General Debate

I move, That the House take note of miscellaneous business.

We just heard the Minister of Finance waxing and waning lyrical about some basic facts and basic maths, so let’s provide some of those basic facts and basic maths. If there are four job seekers that are available for every job in this country—

Hon Paul Goldsmith: Ha! Why don’t they just give up?

CHLÖE SWARBRICK: —that means that there are four times as many people looking for jobs than jobs that are available, the Hon Paul Goldsmith. There are not enough jobs in this country for the beneficiaries that this Government is intent on punching down upon. It does not matter how hard you seek to punish people when there are not enough jobs for them to move into.

We asked the Prime Minister at question time today if he could guarantee that there was a job available for every job seeker that he seems so intent on punishing, and he deflected from the question. So our point to the Government is that New Zealanders, and young people in particular, can’t work your ghost jobs.

The Prime Minister says that these young people should move to where the jobs are. But, again, some of those basic facts: there are 36,000 fewer jobs and there are 10,000 more unemployed young people in the two years since this Government came to office and implemented their economic policies of firing up the shredder and cutting billions of dollars of investment in our economy and in our people. That probably explains why New Zealanders are, unfortunately, leaving in boatloads to the tune of approximately 200 every single day to Australia, because that is this Government’s policy on where the jobs are.

Cuts are not how you build a country; evidentially, it’s how you break one. It is abundantly clear that this Government’s economic policy is to kill the golden goose: to whittle down our infrastructure to such an anaemic state and then to pass it off at bargain-bin prices to the private sector, and also then to exploit the very environment that we trade on on the international stage. They have cut thousands of State home builds. They have scaled back infrastructure in hospitals, resulting in 15,000 fewer construction sector jobs.

If I can reiterate that point: there are 36,000 fewer jobs and 10,000 more young people that are jobless under this Government, and the Government’s response? To punish those young people and to make them dependent on their parents, unless their parents are earning no more than $66,000 per year combined.

We asked the Prime Minister today in question time if he had any awareness whatsoever about the specific 2,000 young people who would be disproportionately impacted under the jobseeker support health condition or disability benefit. These are young people who are currently experiencing severe mental ill-health, who are disabled, or who are profoundly sick, whom this Government has decided to make dependent on their parents or force them to move somewhere else, to where jobs currently don’t exist, because this Government has gutted those very jobs.

This is just the latest in a long line of policies, which—this Government has been warned—will make more people poor, will make more people homeless, and will actively increase inequality. What is this Government’s response to these statements in the House right now? To laugh. I really hope that New Zealanders understand just how much this Government laughs at the state of affairs which this Government is handing down to future generations, because this Government is choosing to intentionally make life harder for New Zealanders. What that is exposing is that we are not so much currently in a cost of living crisis; we are in a cost of greed crisis. This Government is fanning the flames with their intentional decisions.

But the message that we want New Zealanders to hear is that things do not have to be this way. The Greens have spent the last 18 months outlining our solutions and our clear policies, which would see free early childhood education, free dentistry, and free GPs. We would create 40,000 good, green jobs, because we used to make things in this country and we can do it again. The way that we get there is through having a fairer tax system—which I know terrifies those guys more than anything.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. The jeering on the other side of the House—[Interruption]

SPEAKER: Just a minute, we might start again. There’s far too much barracking across the House. It could be because people have got various mouths full for various reasons, but they shouldn’t have. The Hon Barbara Edmonds, start again.

Hon BARBARA EDMONDS: Thank you, Mr Speaker. The jeering from the other side of the House during the last speaker’s speech is exactly why that side of the House and the Government is so disconnected from everyday New Zealanders—because you can jeer and laugh at the teenagers who need jobs, you can jeer and laugh at the fact that we are doing nothing for climate change in this House because of that Government, and you can jeer and laugh at the fact that this economy is tanking because of their inaction, but they won’t think that’s funny, because they are so disconnected from everyday New Zealanders.

Do you think Christopher Luxon has any idea what life is really like for everyday New Zealanders? Do you think he knows what it’s like to stand at a supermarket aisle and to think, “Can I afford this? Should I put this bread back? Should I get that bottle of milk?”? Do you think he has any idea how everyday New Zealanders feel in the supermarket aisles? Does he have any idea of what it’s like to sit at your kitchen table with papers and papers of bills, trying to make those numbers add up and wondering, “Where on earth am I going to get this money for my power bill, am I going to get this money for my insurance premiums, am I going to get this money to pay my rates?” Of course he doesn’t. That is the reality for New Zealanders all across this country right now.

The Prime Minister is so out of touch that I bet you—and I’m willing to take a wager from anyone here in Parliament—that he hasn’t got a clue at all, because, in his own words, he is “wealthy and sorted”. In his own words, he is “wealthy and sorted”. He promised to make life better for New Zealanders.

Grant McCallum: He works hard; nothing wrong with working hard.

Hon BARBARA EDMONDS: What has he actually done? He’s made it worse. The members on that side say, “Well, he worked hard for it.” Well, you know what? There are people up and down this country who are working extremely hard—who are not just working one job but are working two jobs, they’re working three jobs, just to make ends meet. That is the problem when you’re so out of touch that working hard is not just about working hard; it’s about making sure that jobs are here in New Zealand. If you stayed connected to your community, you’d understand that. This Government isn’t on the side of ordinary New Zealanders; they’re on the side of tobacco companies, of property speculators, of the oil and gas industry. It’s the wealthy few who are sorted, not everyday New Zealanders.

When they stand up and they say, “Oh, the economy is turning a corner—turning a corner”, let’s be clear what that really means: it means thousands of people with no work; it means 200 Kiwis per day leaving Aotearoa New Zealand for Australia, for better opportunities; it means Kiwis here are unable to afford to see their GP.

Rawiri Waititi: No, not “Go the Wallabies!”, no!

Hon BARBARA EDMONDS: Those “Mozzies”—yes, those “Mozzies”. They have lost control of this economy, and we all know that. They can dance on the head of a pin and say, “Oh, we brought interest rates down.” It’s quite interesting to see, today, the Minister of Finance saying, “I didn’t take any credit for it”, despite, in the first question before that, saying the Government takes credit for it. That is a system of a stagnating economy where we have lost jobs, we are losing Kiwis, we have a health system in crisis, and a Government who is more than willing to make people homeless, to say to our teenagers “Just go under the support of mum and dad.” Well, you know what? The support of mum and dad would be great if mum and dad didn’t have to try and work two or three jobs just to put a roof over their heads. According to the National Party MPs, they do not work hard.

New Zealanders can demand a Government that they deserve. The Government has lost control of the economy. This is exactly what the National Party wants to do: to blame everyone else, give support to the wealthy people, and never mind the “bottom feeders”, because they’re wealthy and they’re sorted.

The next Labour Government won’t just be a Labour Government; it will be a Government for everybody in New Zealand, because when everybody thrives in New Zealand, our country thrives. When we invest in our people, when you create jobs, they will want to stay here, and they will want to make New Zealand a better place. At the moment, that Government is giving them no option but to leave.

Can I start by offering that member Barbara Edmonds a history lesson—because, back in 2008, the previous National Government came in, inherited a financial shambles and an economy in recession, and had a very tough couple of years at the start of the first term to get things sorted. But after a period of consistent clarity about building, focusing on growth, focusing on investment, and giving confidence to the broader community, in our second and third terms the economy was growing well, and we managed to reverse the flow across the Tasman, and that’s going to happen again this time. Again, we came in, we inherited a shambles, we inherited a lack of growth, and we’re going to turn it around. We’ve got every confidence that New Zealand will be zinging in the future, providing the opportunities for New Zealanders to get ahead and for their families to do well.

I wanted to talk about a broader issue, because there’s been a lot of discussion around the world about social division, about polarisation, about incivility in politics, and about aggression in politics. If we look around the world, often people talk about it and say, “It’s the far right that’s behind that”, but the reality in New Zealand, of course, is that it’s the Greens that are driving that level of aggression in politics. It’s the Greens—it’s the sanctimonious, “tofu wouldn’t melt in your mouth” Greens—who are the ones who are driving the division and acrimony within our body politic, aided and abetted by Labour.

There is no place in this democracy for intimidation, and yet that is what we have been seeing over the last few weeks, months, and years. People are lining up, banging pots, using loud hailers, and intimidating politicians in their own homes. Chlöe Swarbrick and the Greens have been behind a lot of this, and the hypocrisy is, quite frankly, outrageous. You look at a quote from Benjamin Doyle saying that “No person should have to avoid going to the supermarket or the letterbox because they’ve been advised that doing so would expose them to violence.”, and yet, at the same time, you’ve got Ricardo Menéndez March writing letters in support of people who vandalise MPs’ offices and, at the same time, you’ve got the leader of the Greens in press conferences with a peace-loving actor who hands out the private addresses of MPs for people to go and hassle them.

Ultimately, the Greens are the area of politics in this country that is most associated with intimidation and aggression. They need to look at themselves quite closely, and the Labour Party needs to ask itself whether they support this or not. It’s interesting that we’ve seen Duncan Webb saying, “Well, no, actually, we’re going to stick to our guns. We think people should protest outside MPs’ houses.”, and Mr Hipkins has said that they shouldn’t, but they both voted against the bill that we’ve got in the House that deals with it.

Why does this matter—why does this matter for ordinary New Zealanders? It matters because civility in politics and the ability for New Zealanders to talk to each other and to push back against that global direction of division and polarisation is an important part not only of our democracy but of how we succeed as a country. We want to succeed as a country and we want to do well—and, yes, there are lots of challenges we face. In my area of the Treaty negotiations, there are lots of challenges. We have big debates about what sovereignty means in the modern context, but the point is that we still talk about it. We get together, we talk, we discuss, and we thrash out ideas. We don’t always agree, but we keep talking.

That is the strength of this country and it’s why we do so well, and so we need to defend that civility that we have inherited in this country. We need to preserve it. We need to do everything we can to ensure that it continues. My challenge, particularly to the Greens, is that they need to change their approach, and my challenge to Labour is to be clear about where you stand on these issues.

When it comes, ultimately, to the ongoing success of this country—which we all have a huge belief in as a country as a great place to live, and also a great place to raise a family, make a living, and do well. The economic foundation of that is so important, and that’s why we’re focused on that as a Government, but the broader democratic traditions that we’ve inherited and that we benefit from need to be preserved. My encouragement to all parties across the House is to just think twice about the approach that is taken around intimidation and, frankly, to support this legislation that we have before the House to ensure that no New Zealander has to suffer people intimidating them in their private home—in their castle—and to do the right thing by that.

My speech today is directed at the fourth estate—the media—and the Government’s constant attack on Te Tiriti o Waitangi. There have been 14 inquiries in the last 18 months into Māori organisations and Te Pāti Māori, and not a single allegation was upheld. Public Service inquiry against Manurewa Marae, Te Whānau o Waipareira Trust, the Whānau Ora Commissioning Agency: no negative findings or evidence found in this inquiry. In other words, despite widespread attacks by political parties and the media, innocence was maintained.

Stats NZ: claims of misuse of census data—claims proven to be false, and the CEO of Stats NZ resigned over this manner. Te Whatu Ora: allegations of misappropriation use of data. Findings were that Health New Zealand did not sufficiently protect public data. Subsequently, Health New Zealand’s CEO resigned. The Electoral Commission investigation into Manurewa Marae polling booth and Te Pāti Māori: investigation found no evidence of political interference despite immense negative media and political scrutiny. The Whānau Ora Commissioning Agency Māori enrolment initiative, investigated by Te Puni Kōkiri, was proven to be fully legitimate—it was found to be part of their contractual terms.

Political parties and media relentlessly attacked Te Pāti Māori and Māori providers in the public domain regarding these allegations over the last 18 months, yet since the news of these allegations being found false has come to light, where are the headlines? Where are the apologies? Other than Waatea News, no one has condemned the allegations to date. No headlines from the fourth estate—the media—proving they will be deafening in our condemnation and silent in our innocence. This only further highlights that Māori will always be guilty by whakapapa, and that we will always be tried, convicted, and executed before the truth is revealed, whilst the wealthy get to hide behind name suppression and privilege. That’s how Māori are treated in this country’s media. If it doesn’t bleed, it doesn’t lead.

When allegations were made against Manurewa Marae, Whānau Ora, Te Pou Matakana, and Te Pāti Māori, the headlines screamed corruption before a single fact was proven, and when the truth came out—when the Police, Stats NZ, the Public Service Commission, and the Serious Fraud Office found no evidence, and when the successful Māori kaupapa were cleared—the media went quiet. That silence speaks volumes because, in this country, the presumption of guilt still has a whakapapa, and it’s brown.

We are not afraid of scrutiny, we welcome truth, but what we reject completely is the colonial gaze that turns Māori excellence into suspicion and Māori success into scandal. We will not apologise for being powerful, unapologetically Māori, and politically awake. The real corruption is not in our marae or our movements; it is in the headlines that still treat us as intruders on our own land. I want to acknowledge Takutai Moana Tarsh Kemp and the attacks that she withstood under the investigations of Manurewa Marae by those in this House and the media. I wish you were here still to see the outcome of the innocence upheld by Manurewa Marae. We wait the apologies you are due, Takutai, now posthumously, as a rangatira who endured these false allegations alongside your whānau and your marae.

In addition to accusations and inquiries, the Government still attacks our people by continuing to keep te iwi Māori struggling: the cost of living crisis; the disestablishment of the Māori Health Authority; section 7AA of the Oranga Tamariki Act; the Regulatory Standards Bill; Treaty principles bill; the Marine and Coastal Area (Takutai Moana) (Customary Marine Title) Amendment Bill; removing tikanga Māori from justice systems; removing $30 million from Māori education. Despite the continued attacks, our people continue to rise. When faced with the Treaty principles bill, over 100,000 people hīkoi-ed and over 300,000 submissions were made—over 90 percent in opposition. The latest Electoral Commission figures show that since April 2023, almost 31,000 voters have switched to the Māori roll, and more than 25,000 first-time voters have gone for the Māori electoral option. Over a billion people saw the haka led by Hana in Parliament. The world is watching the continued rise of a movement against this Government.

Our people are rising, and there has been unity demonstrated on a scale never seen in Aotearoa before, in retaliation to this Government. We are committed to our mokopuna. We will activate ourselves. When we vote for ourselves, when we believe in ourselves, we keep sailing towards our Aotearoa hou. Kia ora tātou.

We on this side of the House welcome today’s announcement by the Reserve Bank to lower the official cash rate to 2.5 percent. This provides much-needed relief for businesses and households right across New Zealand. But today, I wish to touch on my home city of Auckland, because we are facing a long COVID hangover. That COVID hangover was caused by the previous Labour Government spending $66 billion of taxpayer money and raking up debt, over twice, to 44 percent of gross domestic product. That was the largest debt-fuelled spending binge in the developed world, according to the IMF.

Now, the good news is there are some good, green shoots for the economic recovery. I’d like to focus on three areas of green shoots, today. The first is infrastructure. My colleagues—some of whom are here today—and I visited the Port of Auckland on Monday. Under the fast-track regime, we have just consented a new project at the Port of Auckland to improve the extension of the Fergusson north berth. That will enable cruise ships that are bigger to dock here in Auckland, and it will enable about 200 jobs. That approval took place in 66 days, in record time—record time that would have never happened under the previous Government.

The second area is the Milldale development in the Auckland suburb of Wainui. I had to look up Wainui. I’ve never been to Wainui. It’s in the north of Auckland. We’ve got Fulton Hogan Land Development, and they’re delivering around 1,100 housing units to the total of $595 million—again, under this Government’s fast-track approvals regime, which never would have happened under the previous Government.

Let’s talk about the previous Government. What did they deliver in infrastructure? Light rail to nowhere; the Skypath, $50 million of money spent and nothing delivered. We are getting on with it. The second key area is around red tape—red tape in regard to earthquake remediation. Don’t we have a great Minister in Chris Penk, everyone? He has announced significant reforms in the area to the tone of removing the whole of Auckland from the seismic zone and the earthquake-prone buildings system. That is going to have real benefits for Aucklanders. That’s going to mean an estimated $4.5 billion does not need to be spent on strengthening buildings right across the Auckland division. That money can be spent on expanding your business and employing extra staff to encourage economic growth.

The third area is around sports and entertainment. We’ve got some great announcements around a better utilisation of stadiums like Eden Park. What an untapped potential. I think the only person in Auckland that doesn’t want that to go ahead is Helen Clark, but that is going to provide real economic opportunity for this country.

Grant McCallum: The tennis centre.

DAN BIDOIS: “We’ve got the tennis centre,” said Grant McCallum. He’s a regular at the ASB Classic. That’s going to be a $5 million co-investment, and that’s going to, again, provide real opportunity. It’s a huge opportunity.

There are some really good, encouraging initiatives going on in Auckland, on top of things like declining mortgage rates and on top of things like improved confidence. These will all mean a really great future for those in Auckland. It shows, if you look at economic forecasts, we’re already growing as a country and as a city. We know that times are still tough for many Aucklanders out there. I’m certainly optimistic about the future for Auckland and our country under a coalition Government—a Government that believes in minimal government, a Government that believes in a vibrant private sector where people go out there and create the economic opportunities, not some bureaucrats in Wellington. It is a positive future. The economic recovery has only just begun in Auckland.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. On the ninth floor of the Beehive today, there was a set of numbers that was being eagerly anticipated by the Prime Minister and his staff. It was not the official cash rate; it was their own pollster, Curia, coming out with their latest poll. What has happened? The National Party has dipped into the 20s, that psychological number that has every backbencher shaking in their boots, watching their majority disappear.

Not only has the party dipped into the 20s but Christopher Luxon is not the preferred Prime Minister in this country. That is from the Government’s own pollster, Curia, and I think this speaks very much to how weak and out of touch Christopher Luxon is showing New Zealanders he is. It is also showing how weak and out of touch the Government is.

In a week where we’ve been talking about a 4:1 ratio of job seekers, that applies no more than the National front bench. There are at least four job seekers sitting on that front bench queuing up for that job, and Christopher Luxon’s days are numbered. Those four pretenders to the crown aren’t even counting the cosplaying Prime Ministers of Winston Peters and David Seymour; they’re four job seekers from in his own ranks. If John Key was the “Teflon” Prime Minister, Christopher Luxon is showing himself to be the “Velcro” Prime Minister. Nothing he is doing is working for New Zealanders. It is taking us backwards. He made a big promise to New Zealanders that things were going to get better, but they’re getting worse.

I want to talk about energy pricing in this country. I want to talk about a report that the Government released last week. Have we seen one Government question to the Minister for Energy this week in this House, for the Government to talk about their famed reforms that were going to go on? Have we seen a contribution in this general debate, with the National Party crowing about what it’s achieved? The answer is no, and that is not surprising. While Simon Watts was out there foreshadowing that this was going to be a fundamental reform and significant but surgical reforms and changes were coming, he oversold it. At best, Simon Watts stumbled to the cupboard and grabbed a Disprin—that’s how far from a surgical set of reforms that we received.

How was it received? Well, these reforms were held up to be an abject failure—called a “nothing-burger”, I think, by some commentators. Simon Bridges, a former leader of the National Party, made it clear that the National Party had let the country down, that it had missed its opportunity and was not delivering what should be there.

There was an opportunity. There was an opportunity to do something to relieve New Zealand businesses and households of the burden of a broken energy system, and they fumbled it. They delivered absolutely nothing. Two reforms were taken on. The only group of people that came out and called these so-called “nothing-burger” reforms bold was a gentailer. What happened to the gentailer’s share prices on the day that the Government announced that set of significant but surgical reforms? The gentailer’s share prices soared. That’s how significant they were in reforming a broken market.

The other people that will be absolutely happy are fossil fuel companies, because they are the other beneficiaries of these so-called reforms that were being shared. What we have is a set of reforms that are not going to make energy cheaper for New Zealand households and businesses. It is not doing anything to save jobs in this country or create jobs. We have a Government that has kowtowed once again to vested interests and failed to deliver for New Zealanders who are counting on them. They promised big. They have let New Zealand down, and Christopher Luxon reminds us on a daily basis how out of touch and how weak he is as a leader.

For 30 years, the Resource Management Act has turned common sense into a compliance circus. Problem one: absurdity. Up on the Tararua Ranges, a regional council told a wind farm that they had to install a fish passage in a culvert under a temporary road, in a sheep paddock that had been dry for 50 years. Now, unless trout grow legs and buy hiking boots, they’re not getting there. That’s not environmental protection; it’s performance art.

Problem two: paralysis by inbox. A council spent a week, at $230 per hour, arguing over email about where a developer of affordable homes should put the clothesline. That’s a week that families spent in their old, damp homes, instead of new, warm, dry homes.

Problem three: petty policing. In the Waikato—I heard last week—a council called a farmer, demanding to know who was living in the other farmhouse on their farm, because the consent for that farmhouse said it was for farm workers. Now—

Hon Judith Collins: Mind their own business.

SIMON COURT: —since when did councils become the tenancy police? That Minister Collins, she knows these people—she knows this one.

Problem four: plans that punish growers. In the Manawatū, Canterbury, and Waikato under Plan Change 1, regional rules demand consents for what common sense says should be permitted: growing food for people. You shouldn’t need a consultant and a lawyer to plant onions. These aren’t isolated tales; this is the Resource Management Act. The result is higher power bills, dearer groceries, slower housing, and investors who simply walk away.

Now the fix: in a few months, this Government—and it’s set out in the Government’s quarter four plan—will introduce a new resource management system with two focused laws: a natural environment Act which sets clear environmental rules suited to each region, so we stop arguing over trivia and focus on the real environmental risks that we need to manage; and a planning Act that will make it simpler and more affordable to deliver infrastructure and housing. Standard rules upfront, not bespoke conditions for every culvert and clothesline.

We will permit common low-risk activities by default. We’ll cap council fishing expeditions for more information that drag out consents for months and years. Infrastructure will get a straight path, with spatial planning and national direction that actually enables quarries, power generation, pipes, transmission, and, of course, waste disposal facilities without which our cities would choke and die.

We’re going to have a low-cost planning tribunal to call time on unreasonable demands, quickly and publicly. Māori engagement happens where it’s meaningful in national direction and plan making, not bolted on to every consent. What does that deliver? Well, energy projects delivered on time; the trout on the ridge nonsense disappears; wind, solar, thermal, gas, coal all on the same consenting pathway, easing bills for infrastructure and households; warm, dry homes sooner; no week-long email epics about clotheslines; clear, standardised rules and zones across the country; simple compliance; infrastructure planned once and delivered without all the drama; farming and horticulture treated as productive, not presumed to be harmful; growing food permitted—and risks managed—through farm plans.

Targeted controls and consents will still be necessary, but they should be the exception, not the rule. More time in paddocks, less time in council meeting rooms. The regions will be unlocked; Waikato, Canterbury, Horowhenua and others won’t be stuck in the slow lane, hobbled by old plans and nonsensical rules. Treaty settlements will still be upheld, special places protected, freshwater and coastal areas simply managed under the Natural and Built Environment Act. Investment confidence returns, fewer bespoke fights, predictable decisions, and upfront spatial planning.

ACT in Government is stripping back the system to the essentials, protecting the environment with clear limits. I’m fizzing to introduce this reform, alongside Minister Chris Bishop. Let’s get it done: let’s grow, let’s build, let’s dream big.

Growth and more growth means jobs and more jobs, it means higher wages, and it means a better future for New Zealanders. That is why we are driving economic growth in the regions, backing our primary sector, which creates jobs and opportunities. The news today of the official cash rate dropping another 50 basis points and decreasing mortgage rates is welcome news for families struggling with mortgage repayments, but it is also welcome news for our growers, farmers, and businesses across Hawke’s Bay, because it gives confidence and certainty and more money to invest in growing our economy and creating jobs, and this lifts wages for everyone. This is why we are laser-focused on economic growth.

With the recent recess that we’ve had, I took the opportunity to get out across our amazing Tukituki electorate. A highlight in the last few weeks was visiting the Hastings Stortford Lodge saleyards, and it was amazing to see the farmer confidence back again, with record highs in farmer confidence because, finally, they have a Government that is backing them and allowing our farmers to do what they do best, and that is farm. We’ve slashed the red tape, we’ve got rid of the bureaucracy, and we’ve been out in the world hustling for trade deals so we have better markets to send our good products to—and, wow, is that making a difference.

There is a massive global demand for our red meat, and it was amazing, actually, to sit next to a farmer at the cattle sale who said he had never seen such record prices in his lifetime. Cattle were going out the gate for $3,500 each, and this is just phenomenal for the growth of our economy because it motivates more spending and puts more money back into the pockets of New Zealanders.

It’s not just our Hawke’s Bay farmers putting money back into our economy; it’s our growers, too. Hawke’s Bay is the fruit bowl of New Zealand, contributing hugely to our economic growth story. Having a Government backing our Hawke’s Bay horticulture sector is making a huge difference. For years, I sat on the board of New Zealand Apples and Pears, and under the Labour Government, the apple industry could never meet the $1 billion export mark. Well, guess what? Under our Government it has exceeded the $1 billion export mark. In fact, our horticulture exports have hit record highs: $8.5 billion this year.

I was just recently out at the Yummy Fruit Co., and I had this awesome guy come up to me in the packhouse and he said to me, “Thank you for all the work that you’re doing in horticulture.” He said he’d been on a benefit but he was now able to hold down a job and provide for his five children, working hard in the apple sector and feeling a real purpose in his life, and a bright future—much better than languishing on welfare. I love these stories. We need to keep creating jobs and opportunities, which is done by supporting our primary sector. Around 360,000 Kiwis are employed in our food and fibre sector, about 15 percent of the total workforce. In Hawke’s Bay alone, our region is set to add another thousand new jobs in agriculture and horticulture.

Not only are we actually delivering for our primary industries but we’re also giving local hospitality industries the boost they need, too. Just recently, in the recess, I was out at the Common Room in Hawke’s Bay, a very iconic establishment, and they had just invested in a big renovation, putting a whole lot of lighting and new DJ systems into the establishment. They have used the Investment Boost package of this Government, which enabled a 20 percent tax deduction along with depreciation. It’s this kind of investment that grows our local businesses and creates jobs and delivers for New Zealand and gets our country back on track.

Thanks, Mr Speaker. Two years ago, Christopher Luxon promised New Zealanders quite a lot of things. He promised that he would actually bring prices down, and that’s what New Zealanders are not seeing right now in this cost of living crisis. The only thing that he’s managed to deflate is economic confidence, the number of jobs in New Zealand, and, of course, his own popularity—and linked to that is his party’s popularity, as well. All of those things have been deflated under his watch.

The truth is that New Zealanders are not fooled by the spin of Christopher Luxon. They know well and good that there are no green shoots when they go up and try to pay at the supermarket or pay for their power bill. And it is no green shoots for those people who have lost their jobs lately. In fact, there are 20,000 fewer construction jobs in New Zealand under his watch. There are 36,000 fewer people employed in New Zealand right now, over the past two years, under the watch of Christopher Luxon. Every single day, 200 New Zealanders leave our country. The truth is that Christopher Luxon promised us that he would turn this bus around, but somehow he’s driven it to Australia, and that’s where it’s left a whole bunch of New Zealanders right now.

Let’s take a look at those job losses, because I think it’s important. We heard, this week, from the Prime Minister that those people should go the regions, that they should find some jobs in the regions if they’re 18 or 19 and are no longer able to get the jobseeker benefit. Let’s look at the 230 jobs in Karioi Pulp Mill and Tangiwai Sawmill in Ruapehu—230 jobs there. At the Penrose mill in Auckland, 75 jobs gone. Smithfield meat works in Timaru shut its doors after 138 years of operating in New Zealand. Columbine Industries in Gisborne: 45 jobs gone there. We’ve also got 140 workers without a job at Carter Holt Harvey’s Eves Valley Sawmill in Tasman, where the plant was closing. And 30 jobs gone in Dunedin fertiliser, in Ravensdown site. Sealord are also proposing job cuts in Tasman—79 jobs gone there, as well as other jobs in the Nelson area. At Carter Holt Harvey’s Tokoroa Plywood Plant, there are 119 full-time jobs proposed to go, as well. New Zealanders cannot go to the regions and look for a job, because there aren’t any jobs there.

The solutions—what are the options that this Government has given people who want to find work? They’ve increased university fees. They’ve made it more expensive for people to get training or skills. They have increased youth unemployment—record levels of young people in New Zealand without employment or without any opportunities to retrain or focus on skills development. The Apprenticeship Boost: you would think at a time when 20,000 tradies’ jobs are gone, you would invest in apprenticeships, but those numbers have dropped, and the Apprenticeship Boost has gone down, as well. Believe it or not, Apprenticeship Boost for civil engineering has been removed—at a time when we’re talking about infrastructure, when those people opposite are talking about wanting to drive growth, they have cut the Apprenticeship Boost for civil engineering. How short-sighted can you actually get?

When people are trying to find some sort of vision, some sort of hope in New Zealand, they’re being driven overseas, because the only green shoots going on here is for those members’ mates in those circles that they operate in. The hard-working Kiwis that are trying to pay for their bills at the supermarket, trying to afford their groceries each week, they don’t see those green shoots happening anywhere.

Every parent wants the same for their kids in New Zealand. They want them to be safe. They want them to have a chance to grow up, get a good job, and do well and stay here in New Zealand. That’s our aspiration. But right now, there are far too many families who have lost that hope.

Under Christopher Luxon’s watch, people are working longer hours and still struggling to be able to pay the bills and put food on the table. The job opportunities just aren’t there. We believe in an economy that serves everybody, not the other way around. We believe that every person deserves a fair pay that pays a decent wage; good jobs that grow local economies and grow local communities. That’s what we believe in. We do not believe in simply serving ourselves and letting people drift off to Australia. This Government has no vision.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. Tēnā koutou katoa. Water: it is life, it is sustenance, and, in Northland, it is also the literal liquid gold that helps underpin our economic future. For decades, our region has wrestled with a cruel paradox: abundant rainfall for half the year, followed by summer droughts that stifle our potential. This cycle has limited us to lower-value land uses, while our fertile soils cry out for water. But we are writing a new chapter.

Today, I want to show you, with tangible evidence, how strategic water storage is not just an environmental solution but a powerful engine for economic growth, using the proven track record of the Kerikeri dams to highlight the incredible promise that new projects the Matawii, Otawere, and Te Waihekeora reservoirs bring.

Let’s first look at the blueprint just down the road in Kerikeri. The Kerikeri irrigation scheme with its two dams was completed in the late 1980s. It was a visionary project and the results are undeniable. Before the dams, Kerikeri was largely a pastoral land area. Today, it is the horticultural heartland of the North. A 2016 report confirmed the scheme contributes more than $100 million annually to the regional GDP and supports over 1,300 full-time job equivalents. Think about that: one infrastructure project generating $100 million a year. The evidence is also visible in land values, which can be three to four times higher for irrigated land within the scheme area, reflecting the substantial, proven economic benefit of a secure water supply.

Now we are taking this proven success and scaling it across Northland. The Te Tai Tokerau Water Trust is delivering three major reservoirs, and the first of these is the Matawii reservoir near Kaikohe, which already provides a powerful real-world example. Completed in May 2023, Matawii has a capacity of 750,000 cubic metres of water and serves two vital purposes: it acts as a crucial backup to Kaikohe township’s water supply, and also, most importantly, it has unlocked land for high-value development.

We see this success in the Ngawha Innovation and Enterprise Park, where the Matawii reservoir directly enables a key business success story—a joint venture between Ngāpuhi and horticultural giant T&G Fresh to grow strawberries and blueberries. This isn’t just theory; it’s happening right now. This venture provides sustained skilled employment for local kaimahi and allows Ngāpuhi to generate wealth from their own land, diversifying Northland’s economy and demonstrating how water security fosters new industries and jobs.

Building on the Matawii experience, we are scaling up with our two larger projects. Otawere reservoir holds 4 million cubic metres. This will be the largest new facility built of the three dams and will irrigate up to 1,000 hectares. Te Waihekeora reservoir: this reservoir near Dargaville—which I was privileged to attend the opening of recently, along with the Prime Minister—enables the development of nearly 1,000 hectares and provides crucial water supply to the largest employer in Dargaville, Silver Fern Farms, and also to the Dargaville township. This has already enabled enterprises like Te Uri o Hau to establish new avocado orchards, attracting whānau back to the area with job opportunities.

So I say to 18- and 19-year-olds in Northland: there are opportunities out there, opportunities that are better than being on welfare. I look forward to the day that we are employing young motivated workers in these projects, rather than so many recognised seasonal employer workers. The lesson of Kerikeri, reinforced by the rapid success of Matawii, is clear: water security is the foundation of economic growth in Northland. These reservoirs are investments in climate resilience and catalysts for attracting private investment, particularly for Māori land owners. They are changing the face of Northland agriculture, and we have seen the future in Kerikeri: it is green, productive and prosperous. With the Matawii, Otawere, and Te Waihekeora reservoirs, we are now extending that prosperity across Northland, building a stronger and more resilient economy for the generations to come.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. On Tuesday morning this week, it was wet and it was raining in Christchurch East. It was a cold spring day in New Brighton, and so it was disturbing to know that three primary school - aged children were waiting barefoot outside a local food bank. Instead of being in a warm home or a classroom, they were waiting in the rain—children waiting in the rain for food. The question is—

Hon Judith Collins: Where are their parents?

REUBEN DAVIDSON: —how has this been allowed to happen? The answer is worse, because this Government is making it happen.

Over the past few years, New Zealanders have heard a lot of promises from this Government—including that Minister there asking, “Where are the parents?” New Zealanders could ask the same thing right now, because Christopher Luxon promised a laser focus on bringing down the cost of living. Nicola Willis promised that cost of living relief is on its way. She even promised before the election that National will take action to get food prices under control once more.

Christopher Luxon made big promises on tackling the cost of living and fixing the economy, but, instead, he’s making things worse. He’s out of touch and he’s refusing to take responsibility. Instead of a plan, he only has excuses—excuses for the decisions this Government chooses to make.

The Government’s mismanagement and waste comes from cancelling new ferries and stopping and cancelling projects, contributing to 20,000 jobs—20,000 jobs—gone in construction; manufacturing closures in several regions across the country, costing vital, local jobs; and handing over hundreds of millions of dollars to tobacco companies, and billions—billions—of dollars to property speculators, to name just a few. It is hurting businesses. It is no wonder that 200 people a day are packing up and leaving, every single day, and what that looks like in New Brighton is three children standing in the rain outside a food bank—and all that member can say is “Where are the parents?” That’s all that member can say.

New Zealanders will remember when Christopher Luxon told them before the last election that “Nicola Willis and myself understand economics. We understand budgets and we understand numbers.” Well, people at home might be forgiven for questioning that. Our economy hasn’t grown; it’s gone backwards.

Hon Judith Collins: Because of your lot.

REUBEN DAVIDSON: In the last quarter alone, GDP fell 0.9 percent, and whilst Christopher Luxon—like that member—likes to talk about rights and responsibilities, you’ll never hear him—or her—take responsibility for the damage they are doing to our economy.

According to them, it’s anyone else’s fault. They’ll blame Trump, they’ll blame Labour, they’ll blame international headwinds, but let’s look at the real story, because the countries we compare ourselves to are doing a lot better. They’re growing. Australia is up 0.6 percent, the United Kingdom is up 0.3 percent, the United States is up 0.8 percent, Japan is up 0.5 percent, and China is up 1.1 percent. They’re all going up, but the economic ineptitude on that side of the House is having real impacts on everyday Kiwis, which is looking like soaring unemployment, record homelessness, and children standing on the footpath in the rain outside food banks, instead of inside warm, dry homes or in their classrooms.

Now, New Zealand has enormous strengths. We have a skilled creative economy and workforce, proven innovators, and a financial sector that can channel investment into the future. With a real long-term plan, we can build on these strengths to grow New Zealand, to create new, good jobs, better healthcare, affordable homes, and real action on the cost of living.

We will move beyond this Government’s short-term thinking to a plan that eases pressures on families and tackles the long-term challenges that will shape our country for generations to come, because people don’t fall into poverty, they’re pushed there—and, right now, those members are pushing.

In the last moments of the House sitting before the recent two-week recess, we were forced to endure insult and indignity in this House by the dishonourable speech given by an MP for whom we had accommodated his desire to give a departing speech—an MP who had spent, in terms of the life of this Parliament, a matter of moments here. We had to endure a narrative that was not only an insult to members of this side of the House but to the party that brought that member to this Parliament. The member was an MP in a party led by two women, yet we were told this is a hostile and toxic place unless you’re a cis white man in a black suit and a briefcase.

Let us pause and reflect on the make-up of this Parliament and identify the number of “cis white men with black suits and briefcases”. Let us look at the history of this House and the shoulders on whom we all stand. Our first Māori MP was elected in 1867—James Carroll. There was also Peter Buck; Apirana Ngata; Māui Pōmare; Iriaka Matiu Rātana, the first female Māori MP who served for 20 years; and Whetu Tirikatene-Sullivan, the first female Minister, who, at the time she left Parliament, was the longest-serving female MP. And what of Georgina Beyer? The first—in the world—transgender MP, serving two terms of Parliament. I would also look at my own party, led by Mr Winston Peters, who has carved out a political legacy that is unrivalled not because he is a cis white man but because he is a statesman unrivalled for his political acumen. Then there’s our deputy leader, a true champion of Māoridom of the provinces and most importantly a Māori Dalmatian who could far unlikely be described as the cis white man that is apparently needed to survive in this House. Let us also not ignore our youngest wahine, Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, who has paved a proud place in our political landscape and, without doubt, could not be categorised as a cis white man.

I cite this legacy because I want to put the record straight following the insults laid at all of our feet, because we were told we had to be cis white men to succeed. I am appalled that a member of this House talked of a political system imposed on our land. What an insult to our proud legacy, to the country that was the first to give women the vote in the world—the cowardice and ignorance of that passing shot by a member who did nothing to use the privilege afforded by being an MP in this Parliament. To throw passing shots and run out the door, believing there would be no right of reply—well, I am replying.

Yes, to stand in this place requires fortitude. It requires strength, it requires character, it requires courage, and it requires determination, but it does not require any of us to have to be a cis white man to succeed. It is a privilege and an honour to be here. It behoves each of us to forge relationships, to find common ground, but, most of all, to show up. Not only did this member insult us, our legacy, and this House but also, in the same speech, called for revolution that must “rise up from the land and from the people.” That message was clear. Then, over the last days, the party that Benjamin Doyle represented has been associated with the rising-up—an attack on the home of a Minister of the Crown. Apparently, we are to believe it is a really long bow to draw to suggest there is a connection. Well, I think not.

To stand here is an honour, to serve is a privilege, and here is the place you prove your worth. If you can’t handle the heat, you are welcome to leave, but do not sling mud at our democracy and our legacy. Do not, for one minute, suggest that only cis white men can succeed. Neither our race nor our sexual identity is relevant. We succeed because of the content of our character. We succeed because we stand up, because we show up, and because we do the hard work that needs to be done every single day. Thank you, Mr Speaker.

The debate having concluded, the motion lapsed.