General Debate

I move, That the House take note of miscellaneous business.

Why can’t this Government just be upfront with New Zealanders? How hard is it to stand up to this country and actually tell it like it is? It shouldn’t be that much to expect that a Government takes responsibility for the decisions that it makes. And every single question time, we see the Government obfuscate and duck for cover and fiddle the numbers and blame everybody else except them.

We saw it today: 8,000 construction jobs gone. They are the ones that have stopped Kāinga Ora building. They are the ones that had an eight-month gap of uncertainty that caused the likes of the Salvation Army to cancel projects. They are the ones that have pulled funding from councils so pipes aren’t going in the ground. They are the ones that have gutted the sector, causing the apprentices that we trained to go overseas. And whose fault is it, according to them? Everybody else except the Government.

We had the Prime Minister come to the local government conference this week—after scrapping the affordable water reforms and pushing all responsibility back on councils, and scrapping the recommendations from the Future for Local Government Review, which would have helped councils—and turn around and blame councils for rates going up, when it’s actually at the feet of the Government. They know it’s at the feet of the Government, and they’re doing it on purpose because they want to shift the blame.

This Government has never been upfront. They weren’t upfront during the election campaign, when every single person in the country except Nicola Willis could see that her tax plan did not add up. Then they brought the tax plan in and, lo and behold, they’ve got no money. They’re stripping money left, right, and centre. They are cutting everywhere they possibly can, and yet they’re looking New Zealanders in the eye and they’re saying these cuts are not affecting front-line services. Doctors come forward and say, “We’ve had to close our health centre because we have no staff.” What does the Minister say? “That’s not true.”

When you’ve got a situation where the Government says one thing and the Opposition says another, there’s a pretty simple solution to this: talk to those on the front line. Who are they? The doctors. I think it shows a fair bit of gall and a fair bit of arrogance for a Minister to stand up in Parliament and say that doctors are lying, to say that nurses are lying and social workers are lying, because they are the ones who are impacted. Those front-line workers and patients are the ones that are copping it because of this Government’s decision. Do they take responsibility? Absolutely not.

Housing is another area. They’ve stripped money from community housing providers. They’ve stopped Kāinga Ora building houses. They’ve made it harder for people to enter into emergency housing. And then they turn around and they say, “Hey, look, we’re succeeding. Fewer people are accessing emergency housing.” Well, it doesn’t take a fool to figure out why. But that’s the thing. This Government is treating New Zealanders like fools. They are treating New Zealanders as if they are thick. They think that if they look New Zealanders in the eye and say one thing—bugger the evidence; it doesn’t matter—because we said it, therefore it must count.

Look at what they’ve been saying about energy, trying to pull the wool over New Zealanders’ eyes and saying it is down to the ban—

Sam Uffindell: We’ve brought the prices down, Kieran. Have you not seen the spot price, mate?

Hon KIERAN McANULTY: It is an absolute crock, Uffindell. You wouldn’t have a clue. They’re standing there saying that a ban on oil and gas, which actually was still looking for oil and gas and hasn’t found one in 20 years, is why Uffindell has to pay so much more for his power. He’s almost paying more for his power than he pays for his grocery bill that one time a month that he does it for his wife.

I think what sums it up—I’ve just been sent something here; it’s from Dan Bidois’ pamphlet. Dan Bidois’ pamphlet says, “Materially improving housing supply is the only solution to this challenge.” This is what he sent his constituents: “These are the actions under way from this Government to address housing supply: giving police tougher powers, capping the use of sentence discounts, setting up military-style academies. There is no silver bullet to improving the housing supply, but we are throwing everything at it.” They are throwing everything at it, but they have no examples to give, because they’re all talk. And if they were upfront with New Zealanders, they would say, “We conned you in the election, we’re not being upfront with you now.” That’s what this country deserves: an honest Government.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I don’t claim to be a person of great faith or a follower of organised religion, but I have much respect for what the Judaeo-Christian belief system has done for Western civilisation, and I’ve been studying a little bit. I’ve been learning about something. I’ve been learning about the Sorrowful Mysteries, and I thought, as I learnt about the Sorrowful Mysteries, about Chris Hipkins. As I watched the Labour Party cheer on Kieran McAnulty, I thought about the sorrowful mysteries of Christopher “Hapless” Hipkins.

The sorrowful mystery that first comes to mind is this new thing: a capital income tax. You see, they’ve learnt nothing from the last six years. They’ve learnt nothing about saving money. They continue to repeat the damaging trope that saps the self-reliance and spirit of New Zealand. They tell their would-be supporters, “Your problems are caused by someone else’s success, but if you vote for Labour, we’ll take their money and give it to you.” Well, that is a sorrowful mystery—it never works. It never has worked anywhere, because the only thing that socialism has done for the poor is given them more company wherever it’s been tried.

Then there is the sorrowful mystery of an oil and gas accord—an energy accord offered by the Labour Party, that is—with no oil and gas in it. You see, they say they want to reach across the aisle and cooperate on securing energy for New Zealanders on those cold winter nights when the lakes are low and the wind doesn’t blow—oh, but, no, no, no; it cannot be done with natural gas. It cannot be done with the industry they’ve decimated in Taranaki, which means there are now not enough people in the industry to keep the gas pressure up, regardless of finds, by the way—no, no, no, no. It is a sorrowful mystery: a promise to cooperate but not to use the fuel that will actually work.

Then there’s the sorrowful mystery of Christopher “Hapless” Hipkins—the No. 3 one—that Māori never ceded sovereignty and that we are a society where some citizens follow the law and respect the Government, and others are somehow living in a parallel society. It’s as if they’ve learnt nothing from the last six years of dividing our country as a partnership between races, with some people having some rights and other people having others, based on their ancestry.

But, Mr Speaker, you’ll be pleased to know I won’t spend too long on the sorrowful mysteries of Christopher “Hapless” Hipkins because I’ve also discovered the joyful mysteries of the ACT Party in Government, and the first joyful mystery is the cutting of tax and the saving of money through careful spending and the slashing of Government waste. No longer do we throw money at every problem and hope that some of it sticks to the wall while creating inflation for hard-up Kiwi families. No, you see ACT Ministers in the Cabinet, across the Government, arguing to spend less and arguing for the Government to tighten its belt, just as people in firms and farms and families have had to do for the last five years while Labour engaged in wanton spending.

Then there’s the joyful mystery of slashing the red tape. Right across the Government, you see the active ACT Party, whether it is in early childhood education centres, where people are drowning—they say, “All I want to do is help children learn and reach their potential, and all I actually do is live in fear of the Ministry of Education.”

There’s the significant natural areas, the nationalisation of farms—but only if you do conservation, do you lose your property right. That’s going.

I see Brooke van Velden is sorting out, where so many have failed, the Holidays Act, the Health and Safety at Work Act, and contract law, so you can actually give one New Zealander a job on behalf of another without being tied up in red tape and regulation.

Then there is the final joyful mystery, of having the courage to start an uneasy conversation about the framework and understanding around our nation’s founding document that will truly allow each of us to live in this beautiful land, with equal rights by birth or legal immigration. No matter who your ancestors were, you were joined together in this country under universal humanity, with the same basic rights, and what underpins these joyful mysteries of the ACT Party? It’s the simple idea that each of us deserves chances and choices to be able to make our way in the world and flourish in the way that we choose to make a difference in our own lives, and help make sure that when each of us can succeed in our own way, all of us can succeed as a wonderful country and the best place to live on the entire planet. Thank you, Mr Speaker, and God bless.

The member who opened this debate, the Hon Kieran McAnulty, invited the House to tell it how it is, so let’s do exactly that, on the state of welfare that we inherited when we took office. Instead of dealing with the welfare State, instead of dealing with ballooning numbers that came on to welfare, I think the other side of the House would prefer to bury their heads in the golden sand—perhaps the golden sands of Treasure Island.

As I said, in the spirit of telling it as it is, let’s just have a look back at what we have inherited: 70,000 more people on the jobseeker benefit—70,000—at a time there were businesses everywhere, desperate—desperate—for staff. So what do we have now? We have now over 200,000 New Zealanders on the jobseeker benefit. That is nearly the size of Wellington—nearly the size of Wellington. What’s worse is 115,000—115,000—have been on welfare for more than a year.

Let’s have a look at the children in those households: 220,000 children growing up in benefit-dependent households, because we saw welfare dependency surge under the last Government.

Hon Kieran McAnulty: Excuses—more excuses.

Hon LOUISE UPSTON: We’re telling it how it is. I’m just laying out the facts, which is a great way to do it, but are we going to sit here and say, “Oh, woe is me. We can’t deal with this.”?

Tom Rutherford: No. We’re going to do something about it.

Hon LOUISE UPSTON: Absolutely. First step, job number one—because this side of the House understands the value and importance of work—we have set an ambitious target to reduce the number of people on jobseeker benefit by 50,000 by 2030.

Hon Priyanca Radhakrishnan: Heartless.

Hon LOUISE UPSTON: What have we done? We have reset—oh, it’s heartless! They think it’s heartless to want to get people into a job. They think it’s heartless that someone should be earning their own income and be able to provide for themselves and their family—oh, that’s heartless! Well, I’m sorry, I’ll tell the House what is heartless: to leave people on welfare to rot—to rot. Under that side of the House, you could sign up to a jobseeker benefit, you could sign up and have zero contact with the Ministry of Social Development for 12 months—until it was time to sign up again. How does that help someone find a job? It didn’t, which is why welfare numbers ballooned. Instead, under our watch, it’s a far more proactive system.

Hon Priyanca Radhakrishnan: Punitive and callous is what you are.

Hon LOUISE UPSTON: Within two weeks, a job seeker will return to Work and Income, be very clear about what support is on offer to address the barriers that they face to work. They’ll also be really clear about what the expectations are, what their responsibilities are, in return for receiving welfare support.

Now, let’s just talk about some of those work obligations, because the other side of the House used these words like “callous”. Well, work obligations are: having a CV, turning up to Work and Income, applying for a job, participating in training to get a driver’s licence, taking a job if offered. Oh, but those things are terrible! Guess what! Every single one of those work obligations gets someone closer to finding a job. That’s what this side of the House values. That’s why we’ve introduced our traffic light system to make it really clear—really clear—to people about what their responsibilities are. We want to ensure people are making the most of all of the opportunities available through Work and Income, and upholding their responsibilities.

Yesterday, I announced more things to make the system more active—by ensuring the employment support programmes are actually targeted to those on welfare. Oh, shock horror! Shock horror! It’s quite amazing to think that only 31 percent of those participating in Mana in Mahi were actually on the jobseeker benefit. So a high-value, high-intensity programme that is successful—more of it would be going to people who weren’t on welfare.

These are the sorts of things, common-sense changes, that our Government is changing to make sure the welfare system is more active, to make sure it is connecting more people with the opportunities of work, because this side of the House understands the value of work. We understand how important it is to have a job and to have an income.

This week we celebrate the opening of the Paralympic Games in Paris. New Zealand has sent 25 Paralympians and I’m sure everyone joins me in wishing them well. However, it is also a sad and anxious time for our disability communities. Minister Upston had her big shot to lead her party in the general debate—didn’t mention disability communities once—and yet on 15 August she gutted Whaikaha, the Ministry of Disabled People that was set up to transform the disability support services and give disabled people greater choice and control over the services and supports that they access to transform their lives. Instead, after a whole three months in the role, what does she do? She transfers disability support services from Whaikaha to the Ministry of Social Development (MSD). MSD didn’t want this—they don’t have the capacity or the capability to handle this.

Most disabled people I have spoken to have had a terrible experience—already—accessing what they’re entitled to through MSD. And she’s using the money that we had budgeted for the Enabling Good Lives (EGL) roll-out this year to make that change. Money that should go to disabled people is being used for this Minister’s pet ego project. And the EGL roll-out has been paused. Providers describe this move as “an unwanted distraction from the real issues”. Disabled people describe it as “a disaster”. Nowhere in the Government’s review that was recently undertaken was this even suggested. It’s something that Minister Upson has plucked out of thin air with absolutely zero consultation with the disability communities and no evidence to suggest that outcomes will improve for disabled people. And we know that it won’t.

She also announced a funding freeze. According to Peter Reynolds, CEO of the New Zealand Disability Support Network, this amounts to a cut—a 5 percent cut in funding, in real terms after inflation—to a sector that was already struggling. Guidance that is being provided and leaked by the sector shows that this Government is seeking to severely restrict and reduce access to residential services for disabled people. This means—and a provider said to me this morning; this is a real example—someone who is being harmed, in a position of violence, whose case has been worked on for the past year will now be told “Tough luck. There is no money from this Government to help you to live safely.”

Disabled people who have reached out to me are terrified. The mum of the 9-year-old who told me today that her 9-year-old cannot breathe independently. She needs 24/7 hospital-level care at home. She said that she often spends 22 hours in a day monitoring her child to make sure that she’s still breathing. She estimates that she saves the Government $7,000 a day by providing this care at home, otherwise her child would be in a high-dependency unit in a hospital. Her care package is over $105,000 a year and it doesn’t even cover the expenses. This mum is now terrified because this Government has changed the rules to require that such packages are reviewed—again—and potentially cut. A provider said to me this morning that these new changes will put lives at risk.

I implore the Minister to reverse these cuts, to restore respite care, to not shift disability support services from Whaikaha to MSD, to instead strengthen Whaikaha and start listening to the disability communities. These are all things that the communities are calling for through campaigns. And if those who are listening disagree with what’s happening—whether they’re disabled or an ally—share your story, make your voice heard. Contact your local MPs, write to the Ministers, march on the streets, attend the rallies and public meetings, and share stories.

This Government’s austerity measures are stripping disabled people of their rights, their dignity, and is shrinking their worlds. According to Peter Reynolds, “Minister, you cannot tell us that cost cutting is necessary because of the fiscal situation. When it comes to tax cuts for landlords or excise cuts for tobacco companies, the Government is able to fund billions. The Government’s choice not to adequately fund disability support is exactly that, a choice, one that this Government can change if they choose to.”

Once again, I say that these decisions by this Government are putting people’s lives at risk, and yet not one mention from the Minister who’s gutted these services, frozen funding, and made cuts to front-line services.

Thank you very much, Mr Speaker. Look, it will take some time for the effects of the last Government to be corrected—a Government that was a failed socialist experiment that set this great country, New Zealand, back. When you think about the one trick they had in their playbook, to centralise—whether it was the three waters reforms that went down like a cup of cold sick, whether it was Te Pūkenga, the polytechs reform—and let’s focus on the health reforms, hitting through the health system like a wrecking ball in the middle of a pandemic. Even their own Heather Simpson report said to go from 20 DHBs to 12. But they knew better. They knew better than all the health professionals, they knew better than the public, and they went through our health system like a wrecking ball to demolish it in the middle of a pandemic. That’s what we pick up the pieces from today.

I welcome Health New Zealand’s approach to regionalise the health service. We need the accountability and the responsibility to go back out into regional and rural New Zealand—to connect where the need is, so that decision making can be made as close to the need as possible. That is vital in an area like mental health, where we need local solutions for local needs. What we have had in the last couple of weeks is further reports from organisations like the Mental Health and Wellbeing Commission, where they laid bare the last Government’s track record on mental health. All this announced funding and what difference did it make? No material difference. You’ve got to scratch your head and say: how could you announce so much funding but not make a difference? But I tell you what. To give the last Government credit, they could do that. They had a track record in that and they had a history of making large announcements and making very little difference.

In the coming financial year, we will spend $2.6 billion on the ring-fenced mental health and addiction and suicide prevention funding. That is a significant amount of money. Last financial year, it was $2.4 billion. With the $200 million uplift that comes through Budget 2024, $2.6 billion is going to be spent. It’s important that in this Government we make sure that that funding is prioritised on the right need, it’s targeted in the right need, and it goes to the right area. We have been very clear: under this Government, we will increase access to timely support, not just treatment services but prevention and early intervention as well. For people to address their needs, they need access, and we will provide faster access.

The second thing we need to do is grow the workforce. The Auditor-General reported several months ago that we did not have a mental health and addiction workforce plan. It beggars belief. Under six years of the last Government, there was no plan to grow the workforce. No wonder people are stuck on waiting lists. You’ve got a growing workforce vacancy rate in our mental health services because we don’t have a plan. That’s what this Government will do: have a plan to grow our workforce.

We’re going to strengthen the focus on prevention and early intervention, to intervene earlier in vulnerable Kiwis’ lives and improve the effectiveness of services, so when we spend hard-earned taxpayers’ money, we know it’s going into services that will make a difference. That’s why for the first time in the health plan, in the Government’s policy statement for health, we have mental health targets where 80 percent of people will see primary mental health services in one week; 80 percent of people will see their specialist services within three weeks. I spoke to my counterpart in Scotland recently. Their Government target is 18 weeks. We have just set a target for three weeks. We’re going to increase the baseline training of mental health and addiction workforce from 423 a year to over 500 mental health and addiction specialists out of baseline, and we’re also going to ring-fence our mental health funding, so 25 percent is spent on prevention and early intervention. It’s a privilege to be part of a Government that will deliver for New Zealanders.

Tēnā ra tātou e te Whare. I just want to start off by acknowledging the 230 employees at Winstone’s in the Ruapehu District who are about to lose their jobs. I just want to send our thoughts to all of them. They’ll be going through some serious issues right now, and I think they should be acknowledged. Seventy percent of them are Māori. A great deal of them are mana whenua from Ngāti Rangi, and I just want to acknowledge what they’re going through.

I want to reach out to my colleague Suze Redmayne as well and support what she’s trying to do. I support Debbie Ngarewa-Packer as well. They are constituents within that electorate. It’s really a situation where I believe that the Government needs to get past all the rhetoric and actually get in there and do something positive for that region. I would encourage the Minister for Regional Development to put his hand in there. I know he’s made some statements and I encourage him to continue with that. I think a solution for that area is really critically important.

Just a few stats: Mercury Energy has increased its profits by 159 percent. When we were in Government, the cost of electricity there at that plant made up 15 percent of their cost; today it’s 40 percent. Something is not right, and we need a Government to actually address that issue, otherwise those 230 families will be dealing with the issues that the Hon Louise Upston talked about. We’re talking about an area that is quite deprived in the first place. They don’t have the locally available support always. Turning up to a seminar on employment, that might be a bit of a struggle. Before they know it, the traffic light is probably going to be red. We should try to avoid that situation. I say to the Government, actually, stop those sorts of cuts. We don’t need the chaos that’s been created across a whole lot of areas.

I also want to acknowledge the Horizons Regional Council. They’ve just made a decision to continue with Māori constituencies. I want to acknowledge former MP Jono Naylor for leading that discussion there and the chair, Rachel Keedwell. I won’t quote her, because two of the words that she used about the Government would be surely ruled out of order, and I don’t want to trigger anyone opposite.

Talking about being triggered, it seems that some people get triggered by history. For example, the Hon Willie Jackson wrote an article about the Rt Hon Chris Hipkins accepting that Māori did not cede sovereignty. Does that mean the Government does not have sovereignty? No. What it means is that the way in which sovereignty was achieved was not through Māori ceding it—that’s the point. And that is history. I find it astounding that members can get up here and deny that that happened, when we, through Treaty settlements—dozens of them that have come through that say exactly that. I actually think it’s time for this country to have a grown-up conversation around it. Ditch the bill on principles of the Treaty and actually talk about the relationship that we should be encouraging across our whole nation.

Talking about triggering, I find it interesting that some people just don’t want to talk about it. Members in certain select committees decide, “No, we don’t want to have a briefing from the Waitangi Tribunal.”

Hon Kieran McAnulty: Really?

Helen White: Really?

Rt Hon ADRIAN RURAWHE: Yes, it is shocking. I mean, let’s get enlightened about things and we might actually learn something from why they did the report that they did on Treaty principles, because I think that this House could learn a lot from that. Through that bill that has not yet come to the House, this is going to cause division across our whole country. I mihi to the Rt Hon Chris Hipkins for actually setting the platform for us to be able to have a unified, grown-up conversation around it. Mr Speaker, thank you.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. I take this call on behalf of the Green Party to stand alongside our disabled communities across the motu who have consistently been gaslighted, disregarded, and disrespected by this Government.

I start my kōrero with the words of Minister Louise Upston on RNZ just yesterday morning: “There has been a lot of scaremongering out there which I wanted to stop. It is grossly unfair that people are using this to concern and worry disabled people. That is not the case.” What we are witnessing is not just a series of policy decisions, but a glaring manifestation of systemic ableism. Ableism operates by determining whose lives and contributions are valued and whose are dismissed. Under the current Government, it is alarmingly clear that those born poor, marginalised, disabled, and without access to stable housing are not prioritised. Under this Government, the worth of individuals is measured by their economic contribution, and they’re fit with a narrow, often arbitrary definition of productivity. This fundamentally ignores the reality that navigating a bureaucratic system riddled with penalties and barriers is a monumental challenge in itself.

When preparing for my kōrero today, I was reminded how this very Government have treated our disabled communities over the last six months. In March, changes restricting the flexibility of disability support funding and crucial equipment and modification access were introduced overnight without any consultation—completely ignored. The minimum wage exemption which ensured 900 disabled workers were treated with respect and dignity—scrapped. The transfer of disability support services from Whaikaha to the Ministry of Social Development, without consultation, to a ministry in which disabled people have very little trust—extremely distressing. Policy guidance, Needs Assessment and Service Coordination services, and Enabling Good Lives cite curtailing access to residential care while also indicating cutbacks to community support, putting money before human rights—damaging.

What this means for our disabled communities is that these changes result in limited access to essential services like housing, public transport, healthcare, and fair wages. It impacts their daily lives by making it harder to secure a home, get around, receive proper medical care, and earn a decent income. These are the real-life realities of this Government’s decisions. We must confront the reality of the situation: this is a systemic and targeted assault on our disabled communities. When the community voices concerns about the Government’s ableist agenda, we are met with dismissive remarks from the Minister who claims, “There’s been a lot of scaremongering out there which I wanted to stop”. This belittling language is an attempt to undermine valid concerns. Let’s instead consider what the community itself is saying.

To the Minister, I ask: who is truly engaging in scaremongering, the experts within our community or this Government? Is it Dr Huhana Hickey, Māori lawyer and disability advocate, underscoring the importance of inclusion: “We don’t know if the Māori voice around disabilities will continue, because we’re not sitting at decision-making tables, and that’s where we all need to be.”? Or rather, does she think it’s Prudence Walker, Disability Rights Commissioner, who highlighted her worry: “I’m concerned by the return to placing disability support services within an agency that is not specifically designed to meet the needs of disabled people. We had begun to move beyond this approach … But it appears this is being disregarded before Whaikaha had the chance to demonstrate enduring success”.

Despite the grim reality faced, we are committed to a future where everyone can thrive, not just survive, through affordable, accessible housing, income, and disability support.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. When New Zealand elected the Government last year, we were tasked with getting our country back on track, and that’s precisely what we’re doing. We inherited significant challenges, particularly in our energy sector. The previous Government eroded confidence with their oil and gas exploration ban, the impractical and costly $16 billion Lake Onslow scheme, and the unrealistic 100 percent renewable electricity target by 2030. As a result, New Zealand businesses are now facing the highest electricity prices in the Western World. The damage done by the previous Government, including stifling investment and increasing sovereign risk, has led us into an energy crisis. The soaring electricity prices are a major concern, threatening the viability of Kiwi businesses, many of which are vital exporters, and the jobs they support.

Recent announcements of job losses at Winstone Pulp and Oji’s Penrose facility highlight this issue, with high electricity costs cited as a factor. This situation is not coincidental; it’s a direct outcome of poor policy decisions by the previous Government. I’ve seen firsthand what our businesses and communities are up against, never more so than last night at a standing-room-only public meeting in Raetihi about the closure of Winstone Pulp, to which Adrian Rurawhe just referred. And I want to acknowledge my colleague across the House Helen White for venturing into the heart of the mighty Rangitīkei to be there. We were there to listen. The kōrero was heartfelt, and it was real. MC Liz Brooker talked to us about kotahitanga—unity. She nailed it. The solution to the current power crisis needs to extend beyond politics and election cycles. Our businesses, communities, and families, like those we heard from in Raetihi last night, expect and deserve nothing less—nothing less than a long-term solution which ensures and delivers reliable and affordable energy.

Right now, in the absence of low-emissions natural gas, electricity generators are resorting to coal-fired and diesel-powered plants, leaving gas peakers offline. This ban has not only contributed to our fuel shortage but also resulted in higher electricity prices and worse environmental outcomes. The Electricity Authority and the Commerce Commission are collaborating to assess market competition and the ongoing high prices. In addition, the Prime Minister and energy Minister Simeon Brown announced on Monday that the Government has moved quickly to approve a raft of immediate actions to address the serious risk to our energy security and affordability, including urgently reversing the ban on offshore oil and glass exploration and cutting red and green tape to allow for liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports.

This Government is taking five urgent actions. We’re reversing the reckless decision to ban offshore oil and gas exploration, with my colleague the Hon Shane Jones leading this legislation. We’re removing regulatory barriers to the construction of critically needed facilities to import liquefied natural gas. We’re easing restrictions on electricity lines companies owning generation, ensuring access for gentailers to hydro contingency, and improving electricity market regulation to ensure New Zealanders have the affordable electricity they need. We are currently facing a gas shortage, and it’s clear that gas is essential for supporting intermittent renewable energy sources. Around 50 countries import LNG. To ensure New Zealand has sufficient affordable energy, part of our plan is to swiftly remove regulatory barriers to enable LNG imports so we can rebuild confidence in the sector.

In addition to these immediate actions, electrifying New Zealand’s economy is a key part of our Government’s plan to grow our economy and reduce emissions. To make it easier and cheaper to electrify our economy, we’re establishing a one-stop shop, fast-track approvals and permitting regime. We’re amending the Resource Management Act to speed up resource consenting, delivering stronger national direction for renewable energy. Our Government is acting swiftly to rectify the previous Government’s failures. We’re committed to restoring confidence in our energy sector, and we call on members opposite to support our actions.

Why hasn’t the Government issued a special humanitarian visa for the families of Palestinian New Zealanders who are stuck in the war zone in Gaza after Israel has killed 40,000 civilians and displaced 1.9 million people from their homes in Gaza?

Now, in times of war and crisis, New Zealand has always tried to do the right thing and offer a safe haven so people can escape danger. Remember the 800 Polish refugees—733 of them children—who arrived in Wellington here in 1944, having fled wartime Europe. In the 1970s, we gave a home and a haven to the refugees from Pol Pot’s genocide in Cambodia. Our Government resettled 1,700 Afghans who escaped the Taliban in 2021, and we issued a special humanitarian visa for the families of Ukrainian Kiwis who were able to flee Russia’s invasion and make a home in New Zealand and shelter from the war.

All year, the Palestinian community in New Zealand has been begging this Government to do the right thing and allow their family members the chance to take shelter in New Zealand. Is it any wonder? We can see on our screens, every day, the carnage, the destruction, the mass starvation, and the slaughter of civilians. Israel has reduced Gaza to a pile of rubble. Is there anyone in this House who cannot understand why Palestinian New Zealanders are desperately asking for the right to have their family members take shelter here?

The Government’s response is an embarrassing silence and some feeble excuses. Immigration Minister, Erica Stanford, said that “Issuing special visas would merely give Palestinian New Zealanders false hope, as they could not leave Gaza.” Now, that’s not only patronising but it’s wrong. Actually, while travel outside of Gaza is difficult, having a visa makes a difference. It can facilitate the approval from the Israeli authorities, and there are other ways out. I know a case of four young children orphaned in Gaza who used a private firm to cross into Egypt, and they simply need visas, now, so they can come and join their relatives in New Zealand. If they go back to Gaza, they could well be killed.

The Government needs not only to issue a special humanitarian visa for Gaza; it needs to use all of the diplomatic channels at its disposal to get Israel to allow those people to cross the border at Rafah into Egypt. Private sector firms have been charging huge amounts of money to get people out of Gaza and into Egypt, so we know it’s possible.

These people are facing unimaginable horrors. The Government could help them to safety, but it is choosing not to. Erica Stanford’s explanation that she took this issue to Cabinet, and Cabinet decided not to create a special visa suggests that it was rejected on political grounds, and I think the Minister owes this House and the public an explanation of what the reasons were. Why did her Cabinet colleagues not support a special visa?

For this Government, doing the right thing somehow is too hard and too complicated, but not for others. Canada allocated 5,000 special visas to the people of Gaza. Australia has allocated more than 2,800 visas to people so they can get out of Gaza and go to Australia, and, already, more than 1,200 of those people have arrived in Australia. If they can do it, why can’t New Zealand?

I say to the Government—I say to the Government—listen to the cries of the Palestinian community in New Zealand, do the Kiwi thing, and give these people a lifeline. Issue a special visa for the families of Palestinian Kiwis desperately trying to escape the war zone, and make every diplomatic effort to help those people come to safety in New Zealand.

Thank you. Today I want to take you through five wins in five minutes under this coalition Government. The first win: tax relief is now a reality. This month, the good people of Upper Harbour have been seeing a wee boost in their pay packets, thanks to the Government delivering on its election promise of tax relief for hard-working low to middle income workers. This Government lifted the tax thresholds for the first time in 14 years—long overdue—meaning for the average Auckland household a boost of $2,085 each and every year. As the Minister of Finance told us at the time, our tax relief package sends a signal to those hard-working Kiwis that this Government backs them, we acknowledge the cost of living, and we say Kiwis deserve to keep more of their hard-earned cash.

The second win: Auckland regional fuel tax, gone. The unpopular Auckland regional fuel tax that was in place for six years has gone, saving Auckland motorists 11.5 cents per litre. It was axed on 1 July, bringing down the cost of fuel and subsequently bringing down the cost of living. Since then, our Minister of Transport has announced that legislation will be introduced this year to enable time of use schemes to reduce travel times on our busiest roads and boost economic growth. What’s more, tolls will fund many new roads of national significance, with the New Zealand Transport Agency already getting on with the first seven. Public consultation on its design is already under way for the dedicated busway up Auckland’s Northwestern Motorway, State Highway 16—great for Upper Harbour. These user-pays funding mechanisms are something Aucklanders have overwhelmingly supported for 20 years to get their city moving. It’ll be this coalition Government that finally turns that wish into results.

The third win—the third win in five mins—local water already working. Earlier this month, the Government announced its Local Water Done Well plan, the creation—via its Local Water Done Well plan—of new financially sustainable water organisations that will have increased access to borrowing from the Local Government Funding Agency for water services. The burden on ratepayers will reduce and local government can finally commit to significant local water infrastructure investment, with Auckland, of course, leading the way. A deal was struck between this Government and Auckland Council back in May, which saw Auckland avoid the previously projected 25.8 percent rates increase yet keep the complete control of water assets. Subsequently, Auckland Council was able to roll out a 6.8 percent rates increase, less than half the national average. But don’t worry, for the many other councils up and down the country, help is on its way.

The fourth win: the official cash rate down—the official cash rate down. Upper Harbour residents, as well as Kiwis, had to endure the highest inflation in more than a generation. And good news: inflation is coming under control. It’s returning to within the statutory band of less than 3 percent. In fact, this month the Reserve Bank showed us its confidence in this downward trend by stepping down the official cash rate by 25 basis points. We’ve got a long way to go after the last Labour Government vandalised our economy, drove up inflation and subsequently interest rates, but mortgage holders can finally see some light at the end of the tunnel.

Finally, FamilyBoost is under way. From 1 July, FamilyBoost took effect, helping over 100,000 Kiwi families with early childhood education costs. From Unsworth Heights to the North Shore to Massey in the west, FamilyBoost is not only helping parents, it’s great for kids and great for the centres.

Five wins in five minutes: tax relief a reality, Auckland regional fuel tax gone, Local Water Done Well already working, the official cash rate down, and FamilyBoost now under way. Thank you.

Thank you, Mr Speaker. Today, I would like to talk about and just kind of unpack some of the Government’s position around education. I’d like to play a little game in today’s debate, sort of comparing and contrasting what the Minister of Education is doing and what the Associate Minister of Education is doing.

Let’s start with round one; let’s start with teachers and principals. On one hand, we have the Minister of Education saying prospective teachers are required to have NCEA level 2 maths in order to even begin teacher training. But what about the Associate Minister’s charter schools? Oh, look! Teachers are not even required to have a teaching qualification. Second, the Minister of Education said teachers are going to be well resourced with professional development opportunities. But what about the Associate Minister’s charter schools? Nope. Nope—actually no requirement for personal development whatsoever. Third one—still on the teachers and principals round—the Minister of Education: excellent and experienced principals result in excellent outcomes. Oh—what about charter schools? Oh, no, not the same. Sponsors have no need for an education background. How shocking!

Now, let’s talk about round two, on curriculum. The Minister of Education says, “We need consistency and an explicit approach to teaching reading, writing, and maths. We need one hour of reading and numeracy and literacy in the classroom a day. We want to see cellphone bans.”—green tick from the Minister of Education. But what about the Associate Minister’s charter schools? Oh! Oh! Different again. We see inconsistencies and flimsy curriculums in charter schools. There is no requirement for anything that the Minister of Education has mentioned. What about the Minister of Education consistently talking about every child in this country having access to one of their programmes? Like, surely this is a big green tick. But what about the Associate Minister’s charter schools? Incorrect again. Charter school students apparently are not considered under the definition of “every child in this country”.

Let’s move on to parents, whānau, and students. We see the Minister of Education talking about how parents should be integral to student educational progress and, indeed, we see parents taking an active role in the school’s governance—being on their school boards. But what about the Associate Minister’s charter schools? Oh, oh, what a shame! Incorrect again. Parents are not required to be part of the governance structure, or even decision making.

Let’s go on to the next question. What about when it comes to Māori educational outcomes? Now, we have heard both the Minister of Education and the Prime Minister mentioning over and over again about how Māori educational outcomes are failing and that we need to work hard to engage, and they have been working hard to engage Māori educational representatives and organisations to lift Māori student achievement. Surely this is a big tick. But is it the same thing as the Associate Minister’s charter schools? No, actually, because charter schools do not even give effect to Te Tiriti—not in the bill.

Finally, the last round is around process. There are a lot of things we could really be talking about, but, in general, we want to see transparency and accountability in our public education system—something that the Minister of Education supposedly cares very deeply about. So they gave an example: they can request information via the Official Information Act. But, alas, no—you cannot request information from a charter school via the Official Information Act if you are a student or parent.

I’m not sure what you think about this Government’s educational objectives, where we have the Minister of Education saying one thing, singing one tune, and the Associate Minister another. What we see is a National Party continuously using their “back on track” slogan, but my question is: what track is their coalition partner on? Thank you.

Tēnā rā koe e te Pīka, otirā, tēnā rā tātou e te Whare. As te Wiki o te Reo Māori approaches, I want to take the time and reflect on how far we’ve come, the current political landscape, and where we should be heading instead.

I did have a pre-planned kōrero. However, it has completely gone out the window after today’s Māori Affairs Committee. Today, we had the briefing and hearing of Te Taura Whiri i te Reo Māori and Te Mātāwai, and I didn’t realise how confronting and emotional it would be. Now, you would think that it would be common that I was asking questions in te reo Māori to te reo organisations in the Māori Affairs Committee room, but, unfortunately, it is not common. It made me reflect on what should be common in our society and in this country. It should be common to speak Māori in this Parliament. It should be common to have Māori representation in councils, like Māori wards. It should be common, not rare.

As a first-time language speaker, it hit me real hard at how far we’ve come to get to this moment, the generations of hurt and suffering we’ve endured as a people to get to this point. And, yes, ironically, as simple as a question may sound, asking it in te reo Māori it was not. It was the response from the quiet, humble, but proud smiles across the room as I asked these questions that fuelled my soul. As cliché as it sounds, this is the medicine to the current political landscape we have right now. It was hard for me to not raise my voice and sometimes not pūkana and add in a haka or two here and there, but I just simply spoke Māori. No matter how big and small, you know your language and culture. We are so proud of you. The impact of these small smiles spoke 1,000 words of our tūpuna, in that split moment, that I wish I could bring into the House with me and into these the debating chambers.

Whina Cooper once said, “Take care of our children. Take care of what they hear, take care of what they see, take care of what they feel, for how the children grow, so will be the shape of Aotearoa.” As a mokopuna, at times, I have been left speechless and distraught in these debating chambers, listening, hearing, and feeling the long list of legislation that’s been put against us: section 7AA, fast track, section 27 in the court justice, disestablishing Te Aka Whai Ora, Māori wards, first-home buyer grants, gang legislation, removal of Māori names in Government, removal of Te Mana o te Wai, removal of three waters, removal of smoke-free laws, the disestablishing of Te Arawhiti, and we haven’t even reached the Treaty principles bill yet. And this isn’t even touching on the cost of living crisis. The majority of this legislation has been rushed through urgency without public consultation. And when we are given the opportunity to speak under urgency, I get attacked for stickers. Ironically, in my head, I keep asking myself, “When are we going to have an adult conversation?”

One of the biggest highlights I have been able to do in this role—although being in it for a short amount of time and although in Opposition—is delivering pātaka throughout my whole electorate of Hauraki-Waikato, where our electorate team has been able to deliver free kai, free winter essentials, warm clothing, and free health necessities and sanitary products for our constituents, and for wāhine. These are the key issues and needs that our people are desperately seeking throughout this country. And, as I said before, when are we going to have these conversations? It feels like we are globally hot and locally not. That is the situation that I currently feel that we are in.

Although the political landscape that we are in, the current recent events, should be a testament to where we can move as a country, Eliza McCartney, Olympian, speaking te reo Māori in Paris; Kai Kara-France, UFC champ, was asked, “How do you have 13 first-round wins?” He answers by saying, “Cos I am Māori.” We’ve even seen King Charles write a speech in te reo Māori in official Matariki greetings. It should be common to see these athletes, Olympians, and everyday New Zealanders in Aotearoa accepting and acknowledging our culture. We have watched the world embrace our culture, customs, and heritage, so we do expect that, and we demand that from this Government. Tēnā rā tātou.

The debate having concluded, the motion lapsed.

I declare the House in committee for consideration of the Courts (Remote Participation) Amendment Bill, Corrections Amendment Bill, and the Firearms Prohibition Orders Legislation Amendment Bill.