Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill

I move, That the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill be now read a third time.

ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Maureen Pugh): The question is that the motion be agreed to.

Hon PAUL GOLDSMITH:

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I’m pleased to speak in support of the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill. The negotiations began in 2017 officially, but, of course, Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui have sought justice from the Crown for many generations, and today marks an important milestone on the journey to settle the historical claims of the hapū and iwi of Whanganui.

Many people have contributed to this third reading today, and I acknowledge those people, of course. At a time like this, our minds naturally turn to those who have been part of that process and who are now longer with us today, and I acknowledge them and their passing. To the trustees, past and present, your wisdom and leadership have been critical to negotiating this settlement, which advances reconciliation between iwi and the Crown.

I want to acknowledge my predecessors, the Hon Christopher Finlayson KC and the Hon Andrew Little, my ministerial colleagues, Crown agencies, and local authorities for their work towards this settlement, and, of course, I acknowledge the efforts of the negotiators from Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, led by Ken Mair, and the Crown chief negotiator, the Hon Rick Barker. I do want to acknowledge the words of Ken last night, particularly his emphasis on the need for commitment, for courage, and for compassion as we forge a new relationship and work together.

Finally, I’d like to acknowledge all the people of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui who have come to Parliament today, and also those who are watching online and tuning in to this debate on their crystal sets up and down the country.

This settlement arises from a history of significant Crown breaches of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. From 1840, the Crown failed consistently to act in good faith in its dealings with the hapū and iwi of Whanganui, including the 89,000-acre Whanganui Block purchase in 1848. These actions undermined the relationship that Whanganui rangatira had sought from the Crown.

The Crown’s actions also contributed to the conflict and division during the 19th century, when the Crown brought war to Whanganui. Many Whanganui Māori later joined the peaceful resistance movement at Parihaka and were met with unconscionable and unjust treatment by the Crown.

Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui suffered from their loss of tikanga, including diminished ability to pass down their reo and access to their resources. Socio-economic deprivation and the impact of native land laws eroded hapū foundations, with profound and enduring consequences. This settlement seeks to acknowledge and to address those historical grievances.

I delivered the Crown apology to Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui at the deed of settlement’s signing, and that occasion acknowledged both the deep mamae endured by generations of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, and the undiminished mana Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui retain. It was a wonderful day, the signing of He Rau Tukutuku, your deed of settlement, at Kaiwhaiki Marae, on the banks of Te Awa Tupua in May this year. It was a beautiful day, and I will never forget it. I will never forget the challenge, the waiata, the wonderful kai, and the warm friendship on that day. I am honoured to be here to see this settlement through its final stages.

The gift you presented to the Crown, “Toitū te whenua”, was centred on the Whiritaunoka, made from knotted Taunoka, which is native broom. It recalls the actions of your rangatira Hōri Kīngi Te Anaqua, who in 1869 knotted Taunoka as a symbol of peace and unity among hapū and extended that peace to the Crown. That gift symbolises rebuilding our relationship and our shared commitment to move forward together.

The settlement lays the foundation for Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui to reestablish their connection to their rohe, strengthen their identity, and provide for future generations. The settlement redress package returns 27 sites of cultural significance as a $15.5 million cultural revitalisation fund. The relationship redress with Crown agencies and financial and commercial redress is worth $30 million, and rights to purchase commercial properties.

Of course, as all Ministers say, this settlement can never fully compensate Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui for what they have suffered because of Crown actions. However, through the settlement, the Crown, on behalf of all New Zealanders living in this country today, seeks a restored and strengthened relationship with Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, grounded in mutual trust, cooperation, and partnership. I hope this renews Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui’s confidence in the future.

In closing, I affirm the Crown’s commitment to building a positive future together in this rowdy democracy that we call New Zealand. Through He Rau Tukutuku and this bill, I look forward to a growing and enduring partnership with Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and the Crown, guided by your values and aspirations. Toitū te kupu, toitū te mana, toitū te whenua.

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So it is with pleasure that I commend this bill to the House. Tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Teanau Tuiono): Ko te pātai kia whakaaetia te mōtini.

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I rise in support of the Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui Claims Settlement Bill in this third and final reading—a huge milestone to mark today. I want to welcome all of you to Parliament and to acknowledge the long and arduous journey that it has taken to get to this point in time. I would like to acknowledge all of those who have carried this claim upon their shoulders over the year, some of whom are no longer with us now but are here today with us in spirit.

There are many, many people who have enabled this piece of legislation to reach this point in time. In particular, I would like to acknowledge Ken Mair for his ongoing work, effort, commitment, and struggle to pursuing this claim. I’d also like to acknowledge the Hon Rick Barker, who is here today, for helping with those negotiations and making sure that things progressed well. I know both of you have committed so much of your time, your energy, and your aroha to make this claim come to a point where the people can enjoy the benefits of what it offers future generations.

This bill represents the culmination of many years of work, many years of advocacy, negotiation, and determination by generations of Whanganui leaders. It is important that the House considers, at this final passage of the legislation, that it’s not just about the bill; it is about the people, it is about the whenua that it represents, and it is about the awa at the heart of this claim. It is about a history that cannot be changed, but Parliament has a responsibility to confront its past honestly. Historical grievances acknowledged through this settlement in the legislation on the Table here include the Crown’s conduct in the past and the breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi.

During the conflicts in the 1840s and the 1860s, the failure to complete the 1848 Whanganui Block Transaction fairly and in good faith—that impacted through the Native Land Court system and the alienation of land through taking land through the public works takings. These were not abstract events; they were a systematic attack on these people’s rangatiratanga over the years. They had consequences for families, for hapū, for iwi, and for generations yet to come. The effects of dispossession and marginalisation do not just disappear because time passes. That is why Treaty settlements matter for New Zealand, for Aotearoa. They are one part of our country’s ongoing work to confront our history honestly, and acknowledge where the Crown quite clearly failed, and build a better relationship, hopefully, in our future.

As I said when this bill was first debated, no settlement can ever fully restore what has been taken and what has been lost, and no apology can erase generations of hurt. But an acknowledgment by the Crown that it failed its obligations under Te Tiriti o Waitangi is a good start. It matters because the alternative is to pretend these things did not happen, and we cannot build a stronger and more confident country by refusing to confront that difficult part of our past.

The settlement before us includes a formal Crown apology and acknowledgments of historical Treaty breaches. It includes financial and also cultural redress—financial redress of $30 million. It includes really important parts of the cultural redress, including the vesting of 27 sites of cultural significance.

No amount of money can return land that has been alienated, and no payment can undo the experience of those tūpuna who lived through war, who lived through dispossession, and the erosion of the ability to determine their own future. No legislation can erase that, but what this bill can do is formally recognise that history, it can provide redress, and, importantly, it can provide a basis for how we work better together going forward. That relationship between Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and the Crown—this is an opportunity that we should focus on going forward.

I want to acknowledge the people who have carried on this work. I have already mentioned those people, but also to acknowledge all of those people who have worked together so well. This work has happened because iwi and hapū refuse to allow their grievances and their aspirations to simply be forgotten. That perseverance deserves recognition in this House, and I want to acknowledge the members of the Whanganui community who have contributed to this process in so many different ways.

There is also a responsibility on behalf of the Crown once this bill passes. A settlement should not be regarded at all as the end of a relationship; it should be just the beginning of a brand new chapter. That point was made powerfully during the earlier debate. Once settlements have been signed, the question becomes whether the Crown will continue to support iwi and whether commitments made are honoured in practice, on going forward, in the decades to come. That is an important question, because reconciliation is not achieved simply by passing a bill in this House; it is built over time. It is built through relationships and it is built by keeping commitments, and it is built by ensuring that the lessons of history inform the way the Crown behaves going forward. For Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, this settlement should provide a platform, a foundation, for the future—for cultural revitalisation, for economic development, for stronger relationships, and for continued exercise of tino rangatiratanga. That future should be one in which the Crown listens, one in which iwi and hapū are partners in decisions that affect their communities, and one in which the mistakes of the past are not repeated.

This is about the future today. While Treaty settlements are often about historic—we talk about what’s happened in the past, I think it’s important that we focus today on the future and the opportunities that this settlement bill provides. It is about what we want New Zealand to be going forward. Do we want a country that is prepared to acknowledge the Crown has caused harm? And do we want a country that can look honestly at our history without being diminished by it? I believe that answer is yes. We can acknowledge the wrongs of the past while still having confidence in the future for our children and for our grandchildren. We can recognise the Crown’s breaches while believing our relationships can change. And we can respect the mana of iwi and hapū while building a country in which all New Zealanders have a stake.

That is the nation-building work that Treaty settlements represent, and today, this House has an opportunity to recognise the determination of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui. We have an opportunity to acknowledge the historical wrongs that have been committed by the Crown and an opportunity to take us forward as a people. I hope that when this legislation is passed, it is not remembered simply as the day the settlement bill became law. I hope it is remembered as a moment when the Crown and Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui turned a page together—not by forgetting the past, but by finally acknowledging it; not by pretending harm can be undone, but by committing to a relationship that is stronger, more respectful, and more enduring. On behalf of te whānau Reipa, I am proud to support this bill in its third reading. I acknowledge Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui and I acknowledge those negotiators, those kaumātua, the whānau, and the generations who have carried this kaupapa for so long. I look forward to seeing the settlement become a foundation for your future, for your tamariki, and for all of those yet to come. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, huihui mai tātou katoa.

Tēnā koe e te Pīka.

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Today, I stand as a member of Parliament. Today, I stand as Te Pāti Māori, but I cast this vote as an uri, proudly. I’ve wondered what our tūpuna would make of today, of their mokopuna sitting inside a Parliament that once made laws over them, now casting a vote to put a settlement into the law of this whenua. At the first reading, I said that the House had been waiting for ngā hapū o Whanganui. Today, w’ānau, we are here. Our kaumātua, our hapū, our rangatahi, our mokopuna are with us, and those who did not live to see this day.

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Today, we are allowed to celebrate. We’re allowed to cry with relief. We’re allowed to feel proud. We’re allowed to take a moment and look around and congratulate yourself for this journey, because this moment was generations—generations—in the making.

Long before the Crown was ready to recognise our rights, our people knew who we were. In 1994, they articulated that through the Whanganuitanga declaration of nationhood, Pākaitore, Te Awa Tupua, and, now, He Rau Tukutuku—different generations asserting enduring truth despite the Crown ignoring us and dishonouring us. Our pāhake and our kaumātua, our claimants and negotiators, our marae and all those who worked behind the scenes—many carried this kaupapa knowing they may never see this day. Now, another generation is ready to pick it up.

One of our rangatahi, Aimee Simon, told the select committee how she began this journey as a mokopuna, listening to tribunal evidence, then as a volunteer, then today as a kaimahi supporting it. She remembered Koro Morv, Nanny Jo, Uncle Haimona Rzoska—Sam—and Papa Mal Rerekura. Then she spoke about her own tamariki. And there is the vision He Rau Tukutuku. She told the select committee that the true success of this settlement would not be measured by legislation, assets, or financial redress; it would be measured by whether future generations know their whakapapa, speak their reo, understand their history, remain connected to their w’enua, connected to their awa, and confidently stand as uri of Ngā Hapū o Te Iwi o Whanganui, because passing this bill is not the destination.

Our responsibility, now, is to make sure our mokopuna do not merely survive as Whanganui but that they thrive, that the reo is alive in their homes, that marae are filled with our people, that their w’enua is creating opportunity and abundance, that Te Awa Tupua is protected as w’akapapa, that rangatahi are leading wherever they choose, and that mana motuhake is not simply spoken about but lived.

With the future comes responsibility. Te Tomokanga ki Te Matapihi seeks to reset the relationship between Te Uku and Te Rino. Our rangatahi told the committee that responsibility belongs to us both, and I note that the Crown said they humbly seek, at long last, to respond with reconciliation and truly live up to the aspirations of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. That is what this place has promised. The sincerity of your promise, of your apology, will not be measured by what is written into law today, not what you debate about whether it’s true or not and what its intent was; it’s actually whether you, tomorrow, decide to truly walk the walk. It will be measured by the relationships that you live tomorrow. I have every confidence in the mana, the integrity, and the dignity of my people, but today is about whether you will have that mana and integrity and dignity to them.

The final word belongs to our people.

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Our tūpuna knew who they were carrying the kaupapa for. Now, we must carry it for those who we know exist tomorrow. That is the thread from tūpuna, through us, to mokopuna. Today, as uri with enormous pride and gratitude, I add my vote to that weaving.

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Kia ora, Mr Speaker.

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It’s a wonderful day, isn’t it? We’re a bit solemner in this House today. It’s beautiful to see you all. Congratulations, Whanganui. Congratulations. Give yourselves a clap. There’s so much to celebrate, and I’ve heard some beautiful kōrero today. When I think of this area, I just think of some of the wonderful people and personalities who’ve come out of Whanganui—you can be so proud. I’ve been close to a few of them—one or two of them probably won’t want to admit that—but I think about the personalities in your area who dreamed about this day. I think about my old mate Nick Tangaroa. I was a young union official, and Nick had to keep me and Ken Mair in line—very hard to keep Ken Mair in line. He talked about this sort of stuff to us, as young people, and he was a Māori activist in the union movement—very rare. There was only a few of us. Most of us got kicked out in the end, but I think about Nick Tangaroa. What a personality of the area.

I think about Tari and when we first heard “Ko au te awa, ko te awa ko au.”, we thought, “Wow! That’s just fabulous. What’s that mean, Tari? She said, “That means we’re all at one. When the river is affected, we’re affected.” It was the most beautiful kōrero you could hear—Tariana Turia. She was with the Labour Party—I don’t know if we quite fitted her tikanga. She was the last on the list, if you remember. Even she couldn’t work out how she got in. She certainly got out a few years later, but Tari brought the tikanga.

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We always said, “Don’t worry about it, Tari.” She goes, “Oh, I’m a bit whakamā.” “We’re all whakamā. Don’t worry about it, Tari, because you carry the tikanga. You carry your people of Whanganui.” What a wonderful person in terms of advocating for her people. When you come out with “Ko au te awa, ko te awa ko au.”, and people think, “What’s that mean?”—I am the river, and the river is me. It’s just magnificent. These are the personalities of your area.

Then, I’ve got my old mate Adrian Rurawhe. God, who would have thought someone from a back block, blinking, Māori, blimmin, broken-down town would go—oh, sorry Rātana; sorry, Deb Ngarewa-Packer; aroha mai—on to become Speaker of the House. Who would believe it? Magnificent—magnificent. See, we’re more than just Treaty settlements—we’re more than just Treaty settlements. We’re able to do things here, there, and everywhere. Adrian was a wonderful example of that—always calm, always keeping some of the radical Māoris like Peeni Henare and Cushla Tangaere-Manuel in place, and I would say myself, of course. Adrian was the epitome of calmness and made me so proud. He was always talking Rātana, always talking Whanganui, and always talking settlements and was at our

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in terms of advocating for this kaupapa, supporting—sadly—Minister Goldsmith and the National Party and advocating

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because we had complainants there, as we do through Treaty settlements.

I think about these people and the effect they’ve had on our lives, all from this Wanganui or Whanganui. I think about Ruka Broughton, my old mate Ruka Broughton, who, sadly, has lost his brother in the last week or two. Ruka’s been a mate of mine for many, many years. Do you get many experts like that in terms of reo and tikanga? He’s such an expert that he’s selling hangis. I said, “What are you doing, brother? What are you doing?” He said, “I’m sick of those bloody Māoris and my bloody relations. I’m going to sell hangis.” A lot of people in this House won’t know this man. He’s a tohunga—an expert—as good as anyone, as our people know, in the country, in our language, in our culture. He’d had enough selling hangis, but the major redeeming feature for me, with Ruka, is he’s a big supporter of the Labour Party. Wonderful. What a wonderful personality for this rohe.

Then, of course, we come to—he’s still around—Mr Ken there, and I was listening to Steve Abel talking about villains. Ken was a villain. Oh, he was a villain. I know we’re all like, “Oh, we love you, Ken. You’re just a great leader.” The Reader’s Digest have the most hated people in New Zealand—no, no, this is true; Ken knows this—he used to lead the list—him, Hone Harawira, and Tariana Turia. Now, he’s a very revered negotiator, and he’s the leader of the tribe. No one was worse than Ken—well, there were a few worse than Ken Mair. I had reminded Cushla, but I’ll tell Minister Goldsmith—it was Ken Mair who stopped the news, Goldie. He stopped the news nationwide. They rushed on to the news set and stopped the news because reo Māori was not getting a fair crack. So I mihi to my mate up there. We’ve been mates for forty years—plenty of fights, arguments; I think we had one about two weeks ago. Sorry I didn’t come last night. Ken is an example of people, and I mihi to him, seriously, for the way he’s advocated for our people. In his younger days, at ground level, stopping the Māori news on television, Pākaitore with Tari—we were involved in the setup of Te Pāti Māori, believe it or not—I don’t say that too much in the Labour Party. We were all involved—Ken and Amokura and myself—and from there to here, brother, you can hold your head up high because, as you’ve reached the age of 80, you’ve needed to be more tikanga-based and respectful, and you have led your people well.

We’re so proud of the settlement, and you’ve been at the forefront there on the phone, ringing our select committee chair, who I want to mihi to for his great work, and it’s been a really neat Māori Affairs Committee, and we’ve worked together to get the settlement through. You’ve rung David, you’ve rung the committee, and we’ve got through—and we got through because we knew, as a committee, this was good for not just you but for this nation. So I mihi to you, brother, for your wonderful work. I just want to say, today, don’t get too comfortable. I used to love the old Ken. We’ve got an election in 10 weeks, brother, so maybe after you do all the mihis, get back and try and help this Labour coalition get into Government, because it is political. This is not a time where we want to be too political, because we want to thank Rick Barker, who’s a former Labour Minister of course, and Ken. I will remind you this is all political—this is all political—and the beauty of Parliament is how we come together on days like this. The beauty of Parliament is when we move on to our marae together, and we just whakakotahi for the kaupapa with our chair, our select committee, and our local MP. Seriously, in a tikanga situation, we don’t do the National Māori thing. I’ll move with Minister Goldsmith—he’s terrible to me every week on TV, but I will move, because the kaupapa is the priority, and we have to remember that. This election is incredibly important, and the kaupapa must be about getting rid of our friends on the other side. Tēnā tātou katoa. Kia ora tātou.