State Occasion — Address of the President of Ukraine, His Excellency Mr Volodymyr Zelenskyy

Ata mārie tātou katoa. E noho. I welcome His Excellency Mr Volodymyr Zelenskyy, President of Ukraine, joining us online. Good morning, Mr President. Welcome. I invite you to address the Parliament.

Kia ora. Дорогі друзі! Пані Прем’єр-міністре! Пане Спікере! Пане лідере опозиції! Пані та панове урядовці й парламентарі! Народе Нової Зеландії! Я вдячний за цю можливість звернутися до вас і хочу запропонувати вам лідерство. Лідерство в захисті миру. Цей рік показав усьому світу, як багато можна зробити, коли маєш достатню рішучість і знаєш, що треба робити. І будемо відвертими: на початку цього року від України ніхто у світі не очікував сенсацій. Коли почалося повномасштабне вторгнення Росії, я чув у голосах багатьох співрозмовників лише співчуття. Але коли вони чули у відповідь рішучість, усе моментально змінювалося. Кожен, у чиєму серці знаходила відгук українська боротьба за свободу, приєднувався до глобальної коаліції на захист свободи.

Сьогодні у нашій антивоєнній коаліції вже більш як сотня держав. Тих, хто підтримує фундаментальні принципи міжнародного права й Статут ООН. Тих, хто в міжнародних інституціях, наприклад у Генеральній Асамблеї ООН, голосує за рішення на користь миру й територіальної цілісності України. Тих, хто надає нашій державі збройну підтримку й тренує наших військових. Тих, хто запровадив санкції проти держави-терориста й постійно підвищує для Росії ціну за агресію та спровоковані нею глобальні кризи. І тих, хто допомагає нам долати ці кризи. Тих, хто робить усе, щоб російські воєнні злочинці відповідали за скоєне ними проти України. За 293 дні цієї страшної війни сам розвиток подій створив можливості для різних країн і лідерів проявити себе – знайти свою функцію в захисті того, що всі ми у світі так чи інакше цінуємо.

І я вдячний вам, дорогі друзі, за те, що Нова Зеландія однією з перших почала підтримувати Україну в боротьбі за незалежність і справедливість. Відчувши особливість морального виклику цієї війни, ви змінили власні підходи до санкційної політики й застосували національні санкції проти причетних до розпалювання агресії. Ви допомогли з фінансами для безпекових потреб, із постачанням амуніції та з навчанням військових. Ви надали нам гуманітарну підтримку й незмінно допомагаєте на міжнародних майданчиках. Ми в Україні все це дуже цінуємо. Я ще раз вам дякую за цю підтримку! Але хочу запропонувати вам іще дещо. Різні диктатори й агресори завжди не усвідомлюють те, що сила вільного світу не в тому, що хтось великий і запасся ракетами, а в тому, що всі вміють об’єднатися й діяти рішучо, щиро і кожен робить свій унікальний внесок у загальну справу. Можливо, настав час і вашій країні зробити саме такий унікальний внесок.

Я говорю зараз про один з пунктів нашої формули миру, яку я запропонував нещодавно на саміті G19, який проходив в Індонезії. Отже, ви напевно чули про десять пунктів, які можуть повернути Україні та всій Європі мир, а світу – безпеку й стабільність, які були розбиті російськими ударами. Це дуже прозорі й логічні пункти. Це радіаційна та ядерна безпека. Продовольча безпека. Енергетична безпека. Звільнення всіх військовополонених і повернення депортованих. Повне виконання Статуту ООН і відновлення територіальної цілісності України. Виведення російських військ із нашої землі і завдяки цьому – припинення бойових дій. Повернення справедливості через притягнення до відповідальності воєнних злочинців. Протидія екоциду. Недопущення ескалації війни та фіксація її закінчення. Кожен із цих пунктів здатен прибрати той чи інший елемент російської агресії. А отже, всі вони гарантують мир.

І я запропонував скликати спеціальний саміт уже найближчими місяцями. Global Peace Formula Summit, на якому держави-партнери могли б визначитись із тим, який із пунктів формули миру вони могли б допомогти реалізувати. Ось так само, як ми реалізуємо другий пункт формули – продовольчу безпеку. Є формат співпраці з ООН, із Туреччиною, з іншими партнерами, і як наслідок – є дві ініціативи, які прибирають зі світового продовольчого ринку дефіцит, що виник через злочинну російську блокаду наших морських портів. Три українські морські порти ми розблокували. Результати цього очевидні. Наша експортна зернова ініціатива та гуманітарна ініціатива Grain from Ukraine тепер працюють разом, щоб подолати проблему глобального голоду. До речі, будь ласка, поцікавтеся ними. Можливо, ви побачите і свою роль у заспокоєнні продовольчої кризи. Але все ж таки насамперед я раджу вам звернути увагу на восьмий пункт нашої формули миру. Пункт щодо екологічної безпеки. Освічені люди добре розуміють, що означає війна для навколишнього природного середовища. Ваше суспільство саме таке – освічене. Зруйновану економіку та інфраструктуру можна відбудувати. На це потрібні роки. Але зруйновану природу не відбудуєш. Як не повернеш знищене життя.

Станом на зараз 174 тисячі квадратних кілометрів української території забруднені мінами та боєприпасами, що не розірвалися. Акваторія Чорного й Азовського морів також забруднена мінами і втратила сотні тисяч живих істот, які загинули внаслідок бойових дій і активності російського військового флоту. Десятки річок забруднені. Сотні вугільних шахт затоплені. Десятки найнебезпечніших підприємств, зокрема хімічних, зруйновані російськими ударами. Три мільйони гектарів лісів в Україні уражені бойовими діями. Усе це та інші прояви російської екоцидної політики матимуть безпосередні негативні наслідки для мільйонів людей, для нашого регіону й сусідніх регіонів. Я впевнений, що ваше суспільство відчуває крихкість нашого світу. Відчуває, наскільки важливо для всіх людей на планеті вести раціональну політику щодо нашого спільного дому. Так само, до речі, як і щодо наших спільних цінностей, на яких базується мирне співжиття народів. І тому я пропоную саме вашій країні, вашим лідерам розглянути можливість взяти до уваги цей екологічний пункт нашої формули миру. Я закликаю вас проявити лідерство в міжнародних інституціях, зокрема в ООН, і на двосторонньому рівні з іншими державами, щоб світ побачив і цей виклик російської війни. Щоб світ побачив, що не буває справжнього миру там, де будь-яка дитина може загинути від прихованої російської протипіхотної міни. Не буває справжнього миру там, де наслідки війни у вигляді отруєних ґрунтових вод можуть знищити нормальне життя в кількох країнах. Не буває справжнього миру там, де відбувся екоцид і його наслідки не подолані.

Можливо, зараз здається, що з такої тематики не буде великих сенсацій. Але до сьогодні у світу немає спільного досвіду подолання руйнівного впливу війни на навколишнє природне середовище. Нашу землю ми звільнимо. Ми переможемо в цій війні – я впевнений у цьому. Ми повернемо свободу й безпеку всім українцям, де би вони не жили. Держави світу вже беруть лідерство в реалізації таких пунктів нашої формули миру, як, наприклад, пункт про справедливість. Вчора Нідерланди заявили про свою готовність розмістити трибунал щодо злочину агресії Росії проти України. І я закликаю вас підтримати у вашому парламенті українську формулу миру й розпочати консолідацію світу заради восьмого пункту формули – заради протидії екоциду. Хай Росія відповідає за всі прояви її агресії. Я дякую вам за увагу! Nga mihi! Слава Україні!

[Interpretation from Ukrainian into English] Thank you, dear friends, Madam Prime Minister, Mr Speaker, and Mr Leader of the Opposition, ladies and gentlemen of the Government and parliamentarians, the peoples of New Zealand. I am grateful for this opportunity to address you, and I would like to offer to you to take a lead in the field of protecting peace. This year has shown the whole world how much can be done with enough determination and knowledge of what needs to be done. Let’s be honest, at the beginning of this year, no one in the world expected sensations from Ukraine when Russia launched their full-scale invasion. I heard only sympathy in the voices of many, but showing the determination of the response tended to change everything instantly. Everyone for whom the Ukrainians’ struggle for freedom resonated and was heard later joined the global coalition in the protection of freedom.

Today, this anti-war coalition has already more than 100 countries—those who support the fundamental principles of international law and the UN Charter; those in the international institutions like the UN General Assembly who vote for decisions in favour of peace and the territorial integrity of Ukraine; those who provide our country with arms support and train our military; those who imposed sanctions against the terrorist State and constantly raised the price that Russia needs to pay for the aggression and the global crisis it has provoked; those who help us to restore and resolve this crisis, and those who do everything possible to make Russia’s war criminals held accountable for what they have done against Ukraine over the course of 293 days of this terrible war. The very course of events has created opportunities for different countries and leaders to prove themselves, to find their role in the protection of what we cherish above all.

I am grateful to you, dear friends, for the fact that New Zealand was one of the first countries to support Ukraine in its struggle for independence and justice. Facing the unique moral challenge of this war, you’ve changed your own approaches to the sanctions policy and imposed national sanctions against those involved in fomenting the aggression. You have helped us with funding to cover security needs with the supply of ammunition and the training of the military. You have provided us with humanitarian assistance and supported us on international platforms. We very much appreciate all this in Ukraine. I thank you once again for this support. But let me offer you one more thing. Various dictators and oppressors always fail to realise that the strength of the free world is not about someone becoming large or big, and becoming full of missiles; it’s in the fact that everyone knows how to unite and act decisively and make its unique contribution to the common cause. Perhaps the time has come for your country to make such a unique contribution.

I’m talking about one of the points of our formula for peace, which I proposed recently at the G19 summit in Indonesia. Maybe you’ve heard about the 10 points that can return peace to Ukraine and the whole of Europe, just as to restore the security and stability in the world that was shattered by Russian strikes. These are very transparent and logical points for radiation and nuclear security; food security; energy security; the release of all prisoners of war and the return of deportees; the full implementation of the UN Charter; restoration of the territorial integrity of Ukraine; the withdrawal of Russian troops from our territory, which would result in a cessation of hostilities; the return of justice by bringing war criminals to justice; countering ecocide; and preventing the escalation of the war and solidifying the intent. Each of these points can remove one or another element and halt Russia’s aggression. Consequently, all of them would be able to bring peace.

I propose to convene a special summit in the coming month. This would be a global peace formula summit, and the partner States could decide which of the points of this peace formula they could help us to implement, just like we are implementing the point of the formula that is food security. The formative cooperation with the UN, Türkiye, and other partners resulted in two initiatives that allowed us to remove the deficit on the world food market that was caused by the criminal Russian blockade of our seaports. We’ve unblocked three Ukrainian seaports, and there’s already clear and evident results from that. Our grain initiative and the humanitarian initiative, which is called Grain from Ukraine, are now working together to solve the challenge of global hunger. By the way, you may learn more about these initiatives, and maybe you could see a role for yourselves in settling the food crisis. But, at the same time, I would like to ask you to focus on the eighth point of our formula for peace, which is the point about environmental security. Once people understand the impact of war on the environment—and your society is truly a wise one—the economy and infrastructure can be reconstructed. Well, of course, it may take years, but you can’t rebuild destroyed nature, just as you can’t restore destroyed lives.

As of now, 174,000 square kilometres of Ukrainian territory are contaminated with mines and unexploded ordnance. The area of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov are also contaminated with mines, and has lost hundreds of thousands of living creatures: those who died as the result of hostilities and the operations of the Russian naval fleet. Dozens of rivers are polluted, hundreds of coalmines are flooded—dozens of the most dangerous enterprises, including chemical ones, have been destroyed by Russian strikes. Three million hectares of forest in Ukraine are affected by hostilities. Now, all this and other manifestations of Russian ecocidal policy will have a direct negative impact on millions of people, just as on our region and the neighbouring regions as well. I’m sure that your society feels the fragility of our world—it feels how important it is for all people on the planet to resume rational policy towards our common home, just as, by the way, towards our common values on which the peaceful coexistence of the world is based. It’s therefore that I suggest to your country and your leaders to consider taking into account this environmental aspect of our formula for peace. I urge you to demonstrate leadership in international institutions, in particular in the UN and bilaterally with other States, so that the world would see these challenges that were brought by Russia’s war—for the world to see that there is no real peace where any child can die from a hidden Russian anti-personnel mine. There’s no true peace where the consequences of war could be there in the form of poisoned groundwater that may destroy normal life in several countries. There’s no true peace where ecocide has taken place and its consequences have not been neutralised.

Perhaps some might consider this aspect won’t result in any sensations, but until today, the world has no strong experience in overcoming the destructive impact of the war on the environment. We’ll liberate our land. We will win this war. I’m confident that we will return freedom and security to all Ukrainians wherever they live. The countries of the world are already taking leadership in the implementation of certain points of our formula for peace. For example, the point on justice: just yesterday the Netherlands declared their readiness to host a tribunal on the crime of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine. I call upon you to support the Ukrainian formula for peace in your Parliament and to start consolidating the world around the eighth point of the formula. That is the countering of ecocide. Let Russia hold responsibility for all the manifestations of its aggression. Thank you for your attention. Ngā mihi and glory to Ukraine.

[Applause]

Tēnā koutou katoa, and kia ora, Mr President. On behalf of the people of Aotearoa New Zealand, we say thank you. Yours is a country at war, and you are at the helm, leading your people through a crisis. Sharing time with us under those circumstances is a sacrifice, and one we do not take lightly. But I hope that in response to the address that you have given today, you hear loudly and clearly that yours is not a forgotten war, and nothing could be more emblematic of that, I hope, than so many parties of the New Zealand Parliament, on the other side of the world, coming together to condemn Russia’s war and stand firmly and clearly with you.

Our support for Ukraine was not determined by geography. It was not determined by history or by diplomatic ties or relationships. Our judgment was a simple one. We asked ourselves the question: what if it was us? What if it was us that experienced a breach of our territorial integrity? What if it was us that was the subject of a breach of the international rules-based order, of the blatant misuse of multilateral institutions? We would want the international community to use their voice, regardless of their political system, their distance, or their size, and so that is what we have done, by supporting Ukraine in the most practical ways possible.

Mr President, you have our soldiers from New Zealand training yours in the United Kingdom, and I have heard firsthand the experience of our soldiers in those training exercises and the tenacity and courage of your people. We have provided medical supplies and personal equipment for those in the field. Our assets have helped to move supplies around the region at some of the most critical points of the conflict. But we have also done what we can to hold Russia to account for their actions.

As you acknowledged, we passed the Russia Sanctions Act to implement unilateral sanctions for the first time ever. We have put in place extensive travel bans. We have committed to join Ukraine’s case against Russia at the International Court of Justice and have provided funding to the International Criminal Court to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ukraine. But those who support Russia must also be challenged. Just this morning, we announced sanctions against Iran, who are complicit in the supply of drones to Russia. They will now be the third country sanctioned under the Russia Sanctions Act, alongside Russia and Belarus.

We’ve looked to support citizens in Ukraine with a special visa to ensure our Ukrainian community can bring their families here—of which more than 1,100 have now been granted—and we’ve also provided humanitarian aid to support those who remain in-country, and, with the onset of winter and with energy supply used as a weapon of war, New Zealand today pledges further assistance to the people of Ukraine. We’re committing an additional $3 million through the International Committee of the Red Cross to support your people with basic humanitarian needs at this time—needs like medical supplies and equipment, power transformers and generators to cope with blackouts, and essential winter items for vulnerable families like food, water, sanitation, and hygiene items. This is in addition to the $7.9 million we’ve provided to support Ukrainian communities.

But, Mr President, our ambition remains a region in a world that returns to peace and stability, just as it is your ambition as well, and I acknowledge the peace plan that you’ve set out for the Parliament today. This war, in our view, must not become a gateway to a more polarised and dangerous world for generations to come. Our solidarity with Ukraine is matched by our resolve to strengthen the international institutions that govern us and to accelerate disarmament.

Mr President, I want to acknowledge your further calls for support, especially around the long-term impacts of war, including, as you have pointed out today, the long-term impact on the environment. New Zealand has a history in a space of reconstruction post conflict, and that includes remediation such as dealing with unexploded ordinances. We are with you as you seek peace, but we will also be with you as you rebuild.

President Zelenskyy, we acknowledge the people of Ukraine, those who are fighting and protecting their country, those who are taking care of their families and others. We acknowledge the ongoing hardships of winter, but we also acknowledge you. You have been unrelenting in your ongoing support of your country, of your people, of your army. You continue an ongoing battle with unparalleled determination. You have coordinated an international response. You have united those who act in the interests of the rules-based order. New Zealanders recognise your persistence, your support of your people, your country. We support you. Kia kaha, kia māia, kia manawanui. Слава Україні.

President Zelenskyy, thank you for taking time to talk with us this morning. It is a great honour and a tremendous privilege for all of us to have you address our New Zealand Parliament today. While there is a vast distance between our countries in geography and circumstances, I, like so many New Zealanders, have followed with horror and disbelief the war in Ukraine, and we all appreciate the opportunity to be able to say to you kia kaha, which in our indigenous Māori language means stay strong.

When, 10 months ago, the world learnt that Russian tanks had rolled into Ukraine, there was disbelief and immediate condemnation of Russia’s audacity in the face of international outrage. All countries were at that point forced to choose sides. It was a moment for all nations to stand up and to be counted, but for those nations that value democracy, respect national sovereignty and borders, and uphold the international rule of law, the choice was simple. New Zealand is one of those countries. Confronted with brutality or diplomacy, autocracy or democracy, darkness or light, there was nothing to discuss except how to individually and collectively support Ukraine.

This conflict is described as a war between Ukraine and Russia, but it is far bigger than that. It is a moral as well as a physical battle. It is, frankly, an existential threat to Ukraine, a war that Ukraine cannot and will not lose.

President Zelenskyy, your courageous leadership and moral certitude has been inspiring to us all. You have been our generation’s Winston Churchill, and since those Russian tanks crossed Ukraine’s border, you have been unwavering in your determination that Ukraine will win this war that it did not want and that it did not start. Of all the miscalculations Vladimir Putin has made, and there are many, underestimating your resolve and the impact of the strength of your leadership and the words—your words—would have in rallying Ukraine and the world has perhaps been the biggest.

You said that Ukrainians would fight for Ukraine. You said that they would be willing to die for their country, and in laying down their lives for what they believed in and on behalf of their fellow Ukrainians, they have proved you right. In fighting for Ukraine, they have fought for the democratic values and national sovereignty that so many countries and people all around the world share and believe in, but the burden of that fight has fallen primarily on Ukraine.

Ten months ago, Ukrainian men and women who were accountants and cooks and teachers and mechanics became, almost overnight, soldiers. Their courage, their commitment, and their resilience has amazed and humbled the world. Their sacrifice compels other countries to help. We cannot stand back; we must stand up.

None of us, especially a small country like New Zealand, wants to believe that might is right. We want to believe that moral courage is just as important. But this war has proved that when you have to fight for what you believe in, you need an army, weapons, ammunition, and friends to help defend your interests. This war has again highlighted the shortcomings of the United Nations, whose purpose is noble, but whose impact is weak. This international group could not prevent one authoritarian power launching a war on its neighbour.

Every country, I think, has learnt that it is a mistake to think that they themselves or their friends can do without firepower. We might wish it to be different, but to support a collective response, we all must be able to contribute.

When the history of this war is written, the greatest condemnation will be for Vladimir Putin. The greatest admiration will be for you, President Zelenskyy, and your courageous leadership. The greatest gratitude will be for the people of Ukraine. Daily, we see images of indiscriminate attacks on civilians that leave broken and burning villages, cities, homes, and schools, and the death of every single Ukrainian is a tragedy.

The greatest regret of this war will be the terrible loss of life that has left tens of thousands of Ukrainian families bereft. But one day, peace will come again to Ukraine. We can’t see how or when, but it will come, and at that point the international community will need to rally to support a reconstruction programme, because while the loss of life is the most terrible toll, the loss of homes and communities and critical infrastructure is also incalculable. I feel confident, even speaking from the Opposition, in saying that New Zealand will be part of that rebuilding effort. I cannot imagine circumstances where we would not be. But for now, in the most bitter winter for Ukraine, and on behalf of the New Zealand National Party, I send to you our deepest condolences, our tremendous respect, and great admiration.

This war is cruel, it is immoral, and it is wrong, but for as long as Russia continues to fight, Ukraine must continue to fight, and we and the rest of the world must continue to back you. We in New Zealand hope and pray that this war ends soon, and until it does, my pledge is that the New Zealand National Party, like the rest of New Zealand, will stand with you. Kia kaha.

President Zelenskyy, on behalf of the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, I do first want to acknowledge the pain and the suffering of the Ukrainian people. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine is as barbaric as it is illegal. In the horror of war, it is ordinary people who suffer the most. It is apparent that there have been and continues to be a multitude of war crimes perpetuated on the Ukrainian people by the Russian forces. We condemn this extraordinary violence, we condemn these breaches of international law, and we condemn the violation of fundamental human rights in the strongest possible terms. The priority must be an end to Russia’s aggression, and peace for the Ukrainian people.

President Zelenskyy, I do want to thank you for your address to Parliament, and I do want to acknowledge and thank you for opening your address in the indigenous language of Aotearoa New Zealand. I acknowledge your leadership and the fortitude of your people in the face of the violence visited upon you and your people.

One of the central principles of the charter of the Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand is a commitment to non-violent conflict resolution. It is quite apparent that were President Putin to be successful, the temporary violence of war would morph into the permanent violence of subjugation, and perhaps even genocide. It is, therefore, vital that Ukraine can defend itself. We have to acknowledge that Ukraine’s response to Russia’s violence will itself involve some violence, not because Ukraine wants that, but because you have little choice against an aggressor so firmly committed to violent means, and I applaud the efforts of you and your administration to minimise harm to civilians and to conduct your war within the norms that we would expect of a civilised nation.

New Zealand’s role in the global response to this conflict must be to support a peaceful resolution however we can, in respect for Ukraine’s territorial integrity as provided for under international law. We are best placed to support humanitarian efforts to deal with the rippling consequences of the conflict. This involves aid relief, corridors, and refugee resettlement. We should increase our work with multilateral institutions and support their attempts to bring about a peaceful solution to this awful conflict and, as you have called upon us to do, to do what we can to restore food security and to address the ecocide that accompanies the genocide. If we can assist with mediation or to encourage larger States to engage in de-escalation, we strongly support that. Whether through diplomatic efforts, humanitarian work, or the use of our respected status on the international stage, New Zealand is well placed to form this contribution.

When it comes to any future military support that New Zealand might provide, we would ask that it comes before this Parliament. The extent to which our efforts further the cause of peace or exacerbate the violence of war is surely a matter for this House, rather than just the Government alone.

President Zelenskyy, as a member of the Green Party, I have a fundamental commitment to non-violence. As a New Zealander, I have an interest in the commitment to a functional international system. The situation in Ukraine remains impossibly difficult in ways that we in Aotearoa New Zealand cannot possibly imagine. It is historic that you, as the head of a Government in a land that is besieged by an invading, colonising power, have addressed this House.

Ukraine is not alone, in the sense that we and many others around the world stand alongside you and are supporting your cause. But you are also not alone, sadly, in the sense that there are many other peoples, still, on every continent who are also suffering from violence and subjugation. I would suggest to this House that perhaps we might look at ourselves and ask ourselves why it is that we don’t extend them the same support that we do to the people of Ukraine. As Dr Martin Luther King said, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.”

I sincerely hope that we do everything in our power to support the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine and peace for her people. I also hope that we might allow ourselves to have you, Mr President, and the people of Ukraine, remind us here how important these principles are for everyone, and to recommit ourselves to these principles and to do everything in our power for all people, everywhere, so that these human rights may one day be truly universal. Nō reira, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

Mr President, thank you for taking the time to address our Parliament. I’ll keep my remarks short because you have many urgent things to do. I want you and the Ukrainian people to know that on the other side of the world, people care deeply about your struggle against evil, and—to echo our Prime Minister—yours is not a forgotten war. We read the news. We see the pictures of what has happened to your people and how you are fighting back for your lives. But I want you to know that we understand that a dictator attacking a democracy matters to New Zealand. Your people are not fighting just for their lives, but for all of our freedom and democracy, and I want you to know that your leadership and courage inspires us.

New Zealanders, I know, are on the ground in Ukraine right now, not with Government, but by their own initiative. In our community, people have come together twice this year to raise money for your effort. At two fundraisers we organised, we raised $80,000 for your UNITED24 fund and to buy warm winter clothes for the defenders of Ukraine, and we’ll keep doing those fundraisers until you win. Our donors were particularly pleased to buy luggage tags made from bits of aluminium from downed Russian jets—what great initiative under fire.

As Opposition MPs, we’ve pressured Government to do more—more sanctions, more refugee places, more lethal aid. We’ll keep pushing them from this side of our Parliament, and if our Government changes before you win, the New Zealand Government will do a lot more than the $3 million you saw today.

I want to finish by quoting the former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd. He said recently, in Foreign Affairs, “To prevail in the unfolding ideological war that now stretches before [us] will require a radical reembrace of the principles that distinguish liberal-democratic political systems. Western leaders must defend those ideals in word and deed. They, too, must become true believers.”

For now, please let me say that you are right and you are fighting against evil for all of our freedom, and we back you not only in word but in deed. Слава Україні.

Kia ora. Tēnā koe e te Rangatira. Ka mihi ki a koe mō tō pōuritanga, ka tū ahau ki te tangi mō tō ao.

[Greetings, Mr President. I stand to acknowledge your sadness and to grieve for the difficulties you and your people are undergoing.]

I stand here on behalf of Te Paati Māori, e te Rangatira, to mihi to you, to cry for you, and to acknowledge the pain and the suffering that you and your people are enduring. Ka tautoko au Te Paati Kākāriki. We also support a lot of the kōrero that was shared from Te Paati Kākāriki—Green. The fragility of our world is no more felt than when we see the suffering of women and children.

I want to be able to keep this call very short and simple. We have little to say today. All the teachings have been learnt on former occasions of war. We have been living together quietly. There’ll be nothing but mate—but death—for generations to come. We are small in numbers, but we are strong. We are fighting for not the part of peace but the whole of peace. It may be dark today and many think that it will be fine tomorrow, but the people are dead and the land is dead.

We today have one role—one role only—and that is to fight for peace. That was something that was shared from Tohu and Te Whiti, our prophets in Taranaki, our leaders who fought for peace.

E te Pirīmia, e te Rangatira, we condemn war. We have nothing at all to share in the perils of war that we can sit there and say that we endorse anyone or anything that has taken the mana motuhake of a community, a world, a country. Our role in this generation is and must be to fight for unity, and, as we did in Parihaka, we—Te Paati Māori—at all costs, no matter who is in this House, will continue to fight to uphold peace and to continue to make sure that there is no suffering and that there is nothing that this legacy in this generation can be ashamed of that we have seen in the past.

So, for us, e te Rangatira, we again mihi to you and to all your people. We share in your pain and we wish you peace, and that is our role today, e te tungane. Rawiri.

Waiata

Kia ora rā. Tēnā koutou katoa.

Mr President, on behalf of members of the New Zealand Parliament, we would like to thank you for your time this morning. You and the Ukrainian people are in our thoughts, and we wish all the very best to you. That song was a song that was written in the Second World War, and it was an honour for our Parliament to sing it to you this morning. Nō reira, huri rauna huri rauna, tēnā rā tātou katoa.

This session is concluded. The House will sit again at 9 a.m. today. Kia ora.

[Applause]

Session concluded at 8.35 a.m.