Taranaki Iwi Claims Settlement Bill

I move, That the Taranaki Iwi Claims Settlement Bill be now read a second time. This bill gives effect to the deed of settlement between the Crown and Taranaki iwi, which was signed in a very emotional ceremony at Pukeiti gardens in September 2015. It provides financial, commercial, and cultural redress, and acknowledges the losses suffered by Taranaki iwi arising from very serious breaches by the Crown of its Treaty obligations.

Can I acknowledge the work of the Taranaki iwi negotiators, as I stare at Mahara Okeroa. Can I acknowledge my ministerial colleagues, local government, and other agencies that have contributed to this bill.

I also want to thank the chair and members of the Māori Affairs Committee for their very good work during the consideration of the bill and the exploration of the issues raised in submissions. The bill was referred to the committee on 25 March. Seven submissions were received from interested groups and individuals, and the committee heard from four submitters at hearings in New Plymouth on 2 June 2016. The committee reported the bill back to the House just a couple of weeks ago and recommended it be passed with a number of minor technical amendments. These include amendments to clarify the vesting of cultural redress sites, to clarify the right of first refusal provisions, and to update the legal descriptions of redress sites.

Can I say, it is a testament to the hard work of the negotiators that the Taranaki Regional Council fully supports representation of the iwi of Taranaki on the two council standing committees. Taranaki iwi also have the support of their neighbours for the progress of the bill and for joint redress, including the vesting of Ngā Motu with Te Atiawa. The matter of iwi representation on the Taranaki Regional Council standing committees also arose last week at the Committee stage of the Ngāruahine Claims Settlement Bill. I mention it because it is relevant to both this and the other Taranaki settlement bill going through the House today, which contain the same provisions in relation to these committees.

At the Committee stage of the Ngāruahine debate, New Zealand First proposed a Supplementary Order Paper (SOP) to remove iwi representation on these two standing committees of the Taranaki Regional Council. I then explained to the Committee why it was appropriate to have iwi representation on these committees, just as, for example, some other members of the current committees are appointed from external bodies, including from Federated Farmers, who are, in effect, an unelected member. After my explanation, New Zealand First withdrew its SOP, and as far as I can tell—and I acknowledge that I am not a psychic—this could be one of the reasons New Zealand First has raised an eleventh-hour objection to this bill. It is simply unclear, but I very much look forward to hearing the explanation, because I think it is about representation. But I do say to those members, the clauses in the Taranaki Iwi Claims Settlement Bill dealing with this issue are exactly the same as in the Te Atiawa Claims Settlement Bill, which, of course, they voted through a few minutes ago. So it is all confusing, and I very much look forward to hearing what I am sure will be a splendid explanation from Pita Paraone, or Mr Peters—well, from Mr Paraone.

💬 The Taranaki Report: Kaupapa Tuatahi was the Waitangi Tribunal report about which mention has been made already this morning. It was released in 1996. It is well worth a read, including by people who write to me, as someone has this morning—I will not mention his name, because I do not want to embarrass him. He could be a New Zealand First branch chair. He wrote “I read with real disgust your further attempts to impose Māori on the rest of the population without the population’s consent.”, and then he commented along those lines—a very helpful contribution to the debate! But I do think it would be useful for people to look at the events underlying the Taranaki iwi claims, because they are some of the most severe in this country. I very much look forward to people like my correspondent learning more about Treaty settlements and, in particular, the history of Taranaki iwi and what they have suffered, and the history of what happened at Parihaka—and it was not all that long ago. I look forward to the continued benefit of Treaty settlements for our regional economies and Māori communities. These settlements, once they receive the Royal assent, will bring over $200 million into the great Taranaki province.

Throughout negotiations Taranaki iwi have signalled the importance of addressing the issue of Parihaka. The Crown’s actions at Parihaka were some of the worst examples of colonial repression in New Zealand, and judging from the contributions made by various members around the Chamber this morning, I think people know that pretty well around here. The Crown has to address the harm its actions caused the residents of Parihaka, both past and present. The Crown is working to restore its relationship with Parihaka, to re-establish trust with the community, and I think both sides are working very carefully and are not rushing things because this is a very, very important issue. As a first step in May this year, I signed a compact of trust with Parihaka. We are now on the road to reconciliation with the community, and it is a journey that is long overdue.

Ngāti Maru has now signed terms of negotiations and is ready to negotiate. That is the last iwi of Taranaki that will be involved in negotiations, and that now means that the Crown and all the iwi of Taranaki can look to the issue of the maunga. All iwi have connections to Taranaki maunga, and I look forward to beginning those negotiations in the near future with all the iwi of Taranaki, to recognise the importance of the maunga.

This second reading brings us closer to the concluding stages of the settlement process for Taranaki iwi, and seeks to recognise what is important to the people of the iwi and to provide redress for the historical breaches. I very much look forward to hosting the iwi of Taranaki here in Wellington for a joint third reading of the Taranaki iwi, Te Atiawa, and Ngāruahine claims settlement bills in the very, very near future. I commend this bill to the House.

Tēnā koe, Mr Deputy Speaker. Te mea tuatahi māku e mihi kau ana ki tērā o ngā tuākana a Te Ururoa, nānā i whakapuaretia tō tātou huihuinga i te ata nei i runga i te huarahi tika, arā, mā ngā karakia. Tuarua, ki a koutou e Taranaki Iwi, tēnei ahau e mihi atu nei ki a koutou i tau mai nei ki raro i te tuanui o tō tātou Whare kia rongo ai i ngā kōrero e pā ana ki tō koutou pire; nā reira, nau mai, haere mai, whakatau mai ki roto tēnei tō tātou Whare, tēnei te mihi ki a koutou. Ā, ka huri ake ahau ki a koe, e Mahara, mihi kau ana ki a koe nāu nei i whakapau ō kaha i tō wā i roto i tēnei Whare, i nāianei, e whakapau ana i ō kaha hei whakatau i ngā kerēme, nā reira, ka mihi ake ahau ki a koe mō ō mahi.

[Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. Acknowledging that senior colleague Te Ururoa, who opened our gathering this morning in the accepted manner, namely, through prayers, is the first thing for me to do. Secondly, I acknowledge you collectively, the iwi of Taranaki who have arrived here beneath the roof of our House to listen to the contributions relating to your bill; so welcome, draw hither, alight in this House of ours, I commend you. I turn to you, Mahara, and really commend you on the efforts that you expended during your time in this House, and now you are spending your efforts to settle claims, so I applaud you for your work.]

First of all, I would just like to say that I am disappointed by the exchange that I have seen this morning between members across the House. Yesterday in our Māori Affairs Committee we asked officials to leave. The members remained and we had a discussion around this when we expressed our views, led admirably by the Hon Nanaia Mahuta. We said we would have our say in that select committee, we would do it face to face, and we would leave it there. So it is really unfortunate to see that the confidence of the Māori Affairs Committee, a committee that generally works very well together, has been broken. It was disappointing to see those exchanges because, to me, it was posturing, when we had had our say yesterday and it should have been left in the room there.

This second reading is a time to talk about the people and about the bill, and so we need to do that. Taranaki iwi, along with the other iwi around Taranaki maunga, were subjected to some of the most atrocious conditions by colonial forces back in the time. Some 1.2 million acres of land was confiscated from them. If we put that into the context of today, with our population of 4.8 million, 1.2 million acres would, in fact, provide a quarter-acre section for every New Zealander alive today. That is the extent of the confiscation of the land in that time. We need to reflect on just how great an impact that sort of confiscation would have on a people.

I think it was the first reading when I said that if somebody came and invaded our country and confiscated land, we would go to war to defend ourselves, and, quite frankly, that is what—well, actually, it is not quite what Taranaki did. In the first instance, they resorted to peaceful resistance. People who resorted to peaceful resistance were then arrested in their hundreds—most of them detained without trial—and yet nothing happened to the invader. The invader was, in fact, rewarded for its acts of aggression, and, consequently, now possesses most of the land in Taranaki, leaving Taranaki iwi basically landless. So this bill contains acknowledgments of the Crown’s actions that breached the Treaty of Waitangi, and it contains an apology for those breaches.

The apology and the quantum that is being returned—and I heard from the Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations that some $200 million will go into the Taranaki region. That $200 million is great, but if we put it into the context of 1.2 million acres being confiscated and the price of land these days, we will see that it is just a drop in a bucket. I have also said in this House previously that we need to—sorry, I will just go to that text that the Minister read out. It was somebody basically objecting to all of this, and focusing on “You’re giving Māoris this and you’re giving Māoris that.” We should focus less on what Māori are getting and focus more on what has been lost.

When we look at the size of the loss and the scale of the loss, the $200 million that may be coming back pales in significance. It represents the ongoing impact of all of those actions of the Crown in the 1860s that are having a lasting effect on Taranaki iwi, and it has been replicated right throughout the country over time, through all iwi. The ongoing effects that we are now seeing in terms of Māori incarceration, the lack of Māori achievement, educational achievement at school—just the loss of Māori potential. It is the genuine hope that that $200 million will go towards turning that around, so that Māori in Taranaki can fulfil their potential from here on in and become the leaders in the economy, the leaders in business, the leaders in education, and the leaders in the community.

The bill provides a mechanism for iwi representation on the Taranaki Regional Council. That is admirable, despite the text that the Minister received and read out parts of. Minister, you should have a word to David Seymour about sending texts like that! The iwi are able to nominate three members for appointment to the committee of the council.

I really fail to see what the country is scared of when we have Māori representation. Let us face it: Māori are environmentalists—you know, into conservation, into doing what is right for communities and for the environment. Really, Māori participation in council and decision making is only going to bring strengths to the Taranaki region. It is not something that Pākehā should ever be scared about. The fear is really something that is self-generated and self-perpetuating.

The bill provides for changes to place names, and one of those place names is St George’s Redoubt. I went online to check out exactly the history around St George’s Redoubt. “St George” as a name for a Māori area to me is quite strange. I had to look up who the heck St George was, and apparently he was a Greek in the Roman army who was martyred because he would not give up his Christian faith. That is honourable, but what does a Greek Roman soldier have to do with Taranaki? The name is going to be changed to Tataraimaka. The history around St George’s Redoubt—basically, there was some armed opposition to British forces. There was a battle. There was retaliation by Sir George Grey, when some 29 locals from Taranaki were killed, and the remains of 28 of them were transported and buried in an unmarked grave. It was unmarked, except for a concrete slab, for some time. They were buried in this area.

It is important we realise that when we are talking about Treaty settlements we are actually talking about lives, about people who lived and existed and died for their cause. Those people died in a battle, and many more died in a battle of different sorts—just the battle to survive over the years. That is why it is really important that we do settle these claims. That is why I look forward to the swift passage of this bill through the House through all its stages. Nā reira, huri rauna i tō tātou Whare, tēnā koutou, tēnā koutou, tēnā tātou katoa.

[Therefore, I acknowledge, congratulate, and commend you and us all throughout our House.]

Kia ora, e Te Mana Whakawā, anō nā ka mihi ki a koutou e whakarongo mai nei i tēnei wā.

[Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker, and acknowledgments to you collectively there, once again, who are listening at this moment.]

I used to teach in a wharekura o Wairarapa. Every now and then I had one of my favourite students go: “Whaea Marama, ooh-sa—just chill.” I am going to take that on board at the moment, but I will be very interested to hear what the objections are in regard to this bill.

I want to echo the words of Te Whiti again: forbearance, patience, and stout-heartedness—that of the Taranaki people. I acknowledge Jamie Tuuta, Matua Mahara Okeroa, Toka Walden, Wayne Mulligan, Te Miringa Hohaia, who passed in 2011, and Peter Charleton, who passed earlier this year. Their efforts have brought us to this point, in hard-fought, hard-won negotiations. As long as we are here, we will have your back. As long as we continue to stand up and speak we will voice your concerns, as all of us in the House endeavour to do. I acknowledge all of the members of the Māori Affairs Committee and all of the members who have taken the time to consider the issues that have been brought before us.

You know, they are right. This is not the embarrassment of one group, that we do not see it all the way to the end. It is the embarrassment of the whole House. I take that on board. Our people have been mucked around by the Crown. That is why we are here. That is why the grievance exists. And we have been mucked around again. We all need to accept that that is our issue to bear. So I apologise, on behalf of the House, that we could not see this all the way through tomorrow. In The Taranaki Report, released in 1996, the Waitangi Tribunal said: “If war is the absence of peace, the war has never ended in Taranaki, because that essential prerequisite for peace among peoples, that each should be able to live with dignity on their own lands, is still absent and the protest over land rights continues to be made.”

The Crown breaches of the Treaty of Waitangi in Taranaki included warfare and they involved loss of life, the scorched earth tactics, imprisonment, raupatu, disempowerment, and the Crown’s unprecedented actions at Parihaka. Given that just the other day was the day that we remember the suffragette movement—and if you see the flowers around the House, that is the acknowledgment of women’s right to vote—I want to take this whakataukī, this proverb, this expression, straight from Parihaka: “E tū tamawahine i te wā o te kore”.

[“Stand up, young women, at a time of nothingness”.]

That reference was made, and it encouraged the women of Parihaka to stand and speak, because all of the men had been taken away to prison, without trial, under the 1880 Maori Prisoners Act. And another is: “Piki mai i Pungarehu, ka tangi mai te piukara, he tohu reo ngā ngonga, e rere te manu nawa.”

[“Ascend at Pungarehu, the bugle sounds, the voice of the crushed is a signal, the bird in the distance flees.”]

This verse is from the waiata that refers to the bugle call at the army camp at Pungarehu. It signals the final stage in the process of loss for the people. You can almost feel and hear that bugle call now, as we sit in this House. We are at the final stage. We are at the last hour. We are at the moment when, finally, we can have the opportunity to take back and move ahead. Although that happens in law, we fully recognise that in Taranaki you have never stopped that fight. The whānau who are here have never stopped that fight.

I want to acknowledge those members in the House who represent that area, and the efforts that you yourself have taken, Mr Deputy Speaker, and they have taken to bring yourselves to the knowledge of what happened in Taranaki, at Parihaka. It is not taught. It is not known widely. You can go and visit towns anywhere in the region and talk to the local people. They know nothing about what happened there. So I want to acknowledge the efforts that you and your colleagues have made to engage yourselves with the information, to educate yourselves in this process, and to support the voice and the call of the people—because it is their bill. Parihaka has become a symbol not just of peace but of the future, with the Kawe Tutaki, which is being headed and chaired by the Hon Dame Tariana Turia, and all of those others who are involved there. The excitement, the possibility of maybe a Parihaka Day, a Land Wars Day, and all of these things—you can hear the bugle call coming to this point. So I honour their resilience, the strength, the determination to hold on to the rope. I recognise that this settlement is an opportunity to restore the dignity and the mana, and create a true semblance of peace.

The Māori Affairs Committee has examined the bill and unanimously recommends minor and technical amendments. The bill was sponsored by the Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, the Hon Chris Finlayson. He has led the process for the Crown and has done an exemplary job. We want to mihi to him. But I want to mihi to the people of Taranaki for their fight, their commitment, their determination, and their forbearance, as in the kōrero of their tūpuna. I am honoured, I am humbled to be here, as part of the Māori Affairs Committee and the Māori Party, to say that we support you.

Finally, in my first speech in this House I talked about the place where they passed those laws—the Maori Prisoners Act, the Tohunga Suppression Act, the Native Schools Act, the Suppression of Rebellion Act. When I first came to this House I went to look for that place where they stood and debated them. I wanted to see the seats they sat in, the House they stood in, and how dare they. How dare they talk about exterminating the natives—how dare they—and I could not find it because it had been burnt down. “Good job.”—that is what I thought. But the record of the speech, of the kōrero, remains because it is the record of the words that are uttered in this House. So we read into the Hansard, as the Minister did, the raupatu—the confiscation—the grievances, and the issues, so that they would never be lost; though the House burns down, the words remain.

And so the words of Te Whiti, of Tohu Kākahi, and of all our tupuna, ahakoa kua ngaro atu ki Te Pō, ko tātou te hunga ora i tutuki i ō rātou nā wawata, i ō tātou nei wawata, ngā wawata mō ō tātou tamariki, tamariki, mokopuna mō āpōpō, mō tēnei rangi, mō ngā tau kai te heke mai, toitū te whenua! Ko tātou i whakapau werawera i tēnei wā, mō te aha? Mō āpōpō! Mō te aha? Mō ngā mokopuna! Ahakoa ka mate atu, ahakoa ka ngaro atu, ahakoa ka ahi, ka wera Te Whare, ahakoa ka ngaro atu a Pāremata pea, kai reira tonu te kupu o ō tātou tūpuna. Ka tū mō ake ake tonu i roto i te ngākau o te tangata. Kai roto i te ture mō tēnei wā, nā reira, kai te mihi atu ki a koutou, me ō koutou kāwai rangatira kai runga i a koutou; kai konei, kai konei, tēnā koutou katoa.

[Even though they may have disappeared into the void, we, the living, have fulfilled their desires, our own aspirations, and the yearnings of our children and grandchildren for tomorrow, today, and the years to come; the land is permanent. For those of us who expended sweat at this moment, what did we do it for? For tomorrow! Who for? The grandchildren! Even if I die and disappear, the House ignites, burns, even if Parliament vanishes maybe, the word of our ancestors will remain there. It will stand forever in the heart of the individual. At this moment it is embedded in law, and so I acknowledge you and your noble kinship ties that are upon you; they are here, yes, they are present, salutations to you all.]

Tēnā koe, Mr Deputy Speaker. He mihi nui ki Te Whare Pāremata me Taranaki Iwi katoa: te whānau, ngā kuia, ngā koroua, ngā tamariki, ngā mokopuna, ko rātou katoa.

[Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. A huge acknowledgment to Parliament House, and all of the Taranaki iwi: the family, elderly women and men, children, grandchildren, all of them.]

Acknowledgments to all those who are here today, and all who are not here today and could not be here at this historic moment. I would like to also acknowledge the Minister for Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, the Māori Affairs Committee, and also the Pākehā MPs, like myself, who are from Taranaki—I am from Hauraki, actually—and the leadership we need to take.

It is time for Pākehā to take leadership on educating our own about the importance of the history of Taranaki. I know that that is what we are committed to doing as MPs and that we have been fortunate to be on a journey that many of our fellow citizens have not been educated on or felt willing to embrace. That is up to us. We need to do this. We need to do this after this. We need this settlement to not just be between the Crown and Taranaki iwi; we need to bring our Pākehā people on board. So let us do it.

Puketoretore (the water soaked peak) has emerged

my taiaha expresses satisfaction

I tread the land there below

bearing my taiaha like

the kakau toki (ceremonial adze)

When we walked to Parihaka with Andrew Judd, the maunga was covered in cloud, and then I experienced the moment that is expressed in these words—when the maunga peak emerged through the clouds briefly. There was a rainbow and there was a moment when we could see the maunga. We could see Taranaki in all its glory. We tread that road with satisfaction because, at last, Pākehā were walking. I would just like to acknowledge that we walked to Parihaka that day, and some of the people who are in this gallery were with us because Taranaki iwi, in their generosity, walked alongside us. It is time that the hīkoi is the hīkoi of my culture in support of these settlements. It is time for that. It was a privilege to walk through the whenua of Taranaki iwi—the lush green whenua, the rich lands, the stolen lands—to Parihaka to hear the drum, to be welcomed.

I would like to acknowledge in the House today the former MP Mahara Okeroa, who was present and who welcomed us, and all of Parihaka, who welcomed us in peace. In response to 1.2 million hectares being stolen, we have been offered peace. We need to take up that offer. I really need to acknowledge the importance of Parihaka. I am aware that the Minister is leading, as he does, another process for Parihaka in a creative way and that those processes will lead, hopefully, to an even greater national understanding of this place. Taranaki led the world in peaceful, non-violent resistance, as well as strategic warfare. I mihi to both those strategies, although I am in the Greens and we are non-violent. I mihi to both those strategies—

💬 Hon Nanaia Mahuta: Ha, ha!

—because I am Irish—no, because I cannot help it. Both the strategic military response to colonisation and the non-violent response through Parihaka are a credit to Taranaki iwi in terms of their survival. It is really important to recognise that the world talks about Gandhi, but before Gandhi there was Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kākahi. We actually led the world—this country. How many kids get up in school and know that our peace leaders—the peace leaders of Taranaki—pre-dated non-violent resistance in India? They led the world. What happened next? We need to know, and we need to talk about what happened next. That is why we tread the road.

I was proud to work with a mayor who actually understood this. I was at a seminar the other day with Andrew Judd and he said that before he was mayor, he had never been to a marae. He aha? How is it that we have leaders in this so-called successful democracy that we protect—“so-called” because we cannot have Māori representation, some people say—when we have a mayor who had never been to a marae? I bet he is not the only one. I hope he is the only one. He is not the only one now because he has taken steps to educate himself and to acknowledge, and he walked to Parihaka to do that. And we walked with him, and it was awesome because the people of Parihaka and of Taranaki iwi are here to teach us something about not only what it is to be in Aotearoa but what it is to be human. So I mihi to them, their tupuna, and to this bill as a chance for them to have a justice that will support the leadership they have already given this country.

Talking about some aspects of that bill—

💬 Mr DEPUTY SPEAKER: That is good.

—ha, ha, it is all about the bill, Mr Deputy Speaker, fear not—1.2 million acres was stolen, and $200 million is a good start, but, as everyone has said, it is a drop in a bucket. But we have to be real. You cannot live in this world now without cash, so at least it is a start.

I want to speak more fully, though, on the issue of name change. Name change is an essential part of the Treaty settlements and an essential part of this Treaty settlement. We have to help our people—I am talking about my people—recognise and reimagine reality here, that they are on Māori land, that this is Aotearoa, and that these places had names. One of the most powerful techniques of colonisation is to wipe out the names of places and replace them with names that do not belong there. My ancestors come from the other side of the world, and we brought our names. Fine—we need to remember who we are, but we should not impose our names. We should not. So I support this settlement because it gives back and recognises the names that have always been there, have always lived there, underneath the veil of the colonisation process. So good on the settlement process for that—for the naming as it should be. We need a lot more of that.

The other aspect of the settlement that I want to talk about is the Taranaki Regional Council—three members’ representation on some committees. Guess what! The Pākehās do not vote for Māori in local government. Let us be honest. I know numerous people who have stood for local government—Māori who have stood—and have not been elected, year after year. Māori representation has not increased.

💬 Clayton Mitchell: That’s ridiculous.

It is ridiculous? It is true. It is sad but true that the population—we only need to look at the number of Māori on district councils and you will see that it has not increased, but the number of Māori who are standing continues to increase. So what is happening? Why would we not recognise the Treaty and actually recognise the contribution of the Treaty partner? Why is it that the Westminster model is the only way in which people can be represented? Article 2 of Te Tiriti o Waitangi recognises that the relationship of Te Tiriti is not about imposing the supposed democracy, and that is what—I do not even think this goes far enough, but at least it is a start. Again, it is a start, but it does not go far enough.

The final things I want to talk about are—there are things that haunt me and should haunt us about this. We need to celebrate progress. We need to continue, and I acknowledge the Minister for the work around Parihaka. It is really exciting.

We also need to remember that if we do not know the stories, we cannot move forward. As a person who has worked in Te Tiriti education, I want to acknowledge that I have spent many times sitting down with students, mainly Pākēha, and talking about the laws that affected Taranaki iwi—the Suppression of Rebellion Act, the Māori Prisoners Act. We need our young people to fully understand that this settlement is about those Acts. It is about trying to redress some of what was done, what was laid down then through the law, through this Parliament—this very Parliament did that. That is where it happened. The Governor ordered Captain Cracroft of the ship HMS Niger to bomb the Warea kāinga. Redoubts were established—that is a small sentence; it is a cold sentence. We need to realise that bombing took place.

Now we need to do the healing. I honour Taranaki iwi, I honour Parihaka, and I honour the steps forward. Kia kaha. I am proud to have an opportunity to acknowledge you and to speak on this bill. Kia ora koutou katoa.

Kia ora, Mr Deputy Speaker. Can I just say, again, greetings to our iwi leaders who are here today. Kia ora, Wayne—I saw you slip in before. It is good to see you and acknowledge Toka for your leadership within Taranaki iwi, and also, of course, Jamie, Hēmi, and Mahara—an awesome negotiation team who I believe have done a fantastic job for Taranaki iwi.

Can I just say a few words: here in Taranaki we not just have the most profound history of the incredible hardship and duress and the shocking actions of the Crown against a people but we see this amazing response that leads the world—as the previous speaker, Catherine Delahunty, was saying—in terms of a peaceful resistance, which I believe is an international story. My hope, and I am sure it is yours as well, is that it becomes something that is increasingly recognised around the world as being something of tremendous forethought, thinking, depth of understanding, and nobility, and wanting to work through all the issues that all of that means.

We think back to May 1879, when the followers of Te Whiti and Tohu began to plough across Taranaki as an assertion of their rights to the land. By the end of July, just a few months later, 182 ploughmen had been arrested. A number of years ago, I went to Dunedin to look at the place of incarceration because, as Catherine and others have said, we have, certainly from Taranaki, wanted to know the story. I was shocked and appalled to see that place of incarceration that they were taken to, many without trial—and what trial, anyway, would ever be considered to be righteous? It never was. So I think what we see here is an action and a series of actions against a people who sought to stand on their ground and who sought to oppose in a peaceful manner, and yet were treated so poorly throughout the years that followed. Even the Crown’s compensation courts continued to perpetrate the confiscations in many, many regards.

I want to say just a few more words, because I think that there is, right now, this turning point between looking at the past, understanding where we have come from—which is very, very important—and then, also, being able to step forward into our future. When we have the third reading of this bill—and then from that comes the greater release of the redresses and the settlements—there comes the opportunity to rebuild the economic base that once was.

I look at the tremendous example of Ngāi Tahu, and my good friend and colleague Nuk Korako took us to Ngāi Tahu at the beginning of last year. We visited and met with them and learnt what they have done through their great skill and capacity, and how back in 1998, 18 years ago, they received a settlement of $170 million. They then built that asset base, as we know, to well over a billion dollars. They are the most prolific tourism operators, they have great holdings, and they have an amazing way of supporting their iwi, and I came away incredibly impressed at the industriousness and the great skill and strength that Ngāi Tahu bring not only to their people but also to the people of Canterbury and the South Island and to the whole country.

I see and acknowledge what is able to be contributed to New Zealand through these settlements. First and foremost, it is for our iwi to have that economic base so that they can fulfil their aspirations, but we know that when you are strong, we are strong. When you succeed, we succeed. This is important because all of New Zealand should be celebrating these settlements, because it is coming to an opportunity where we can see that dark and difficult past dissolve into a brighter and a greater future.

I want to say, as a member of the Taranaki community, that, particularly around Parihaka and the compact of trust, you can count on me to work with you to ensure your success. That place is going to be remembered and strengthened, and I believe it will be a place of great opportunity for the world to see what you have done in these difficult times. Kia ora.

Kia ora, tēnā koutou katoa. Can I just say to the people of Taranaki, who have heard all these statements out of this House these last 48 hours, to consider some of the facts. The Minister in charge of this bill, Chris Finlayson, says he came here to do good—his very words. No, he did not. He came here to make himself a Queen’s Counsel by self-appointment on 13 December 2012. He used his office as Attorney-General to make himself a Queen’s Counsel. He never got it from the profession, and surely he wants—after this, of course—to get a knighthood and be a judge as well, but he cannot win a seat.

Can I ask you this question—ask anybody in Taranaki mindful of the west coast leases and what the National Government then offered to the people of Taranaki back in 1997: a lousy $28 million. One party stepped up, with its leader, and said “No, we’ll pay the full price, $60 million.”, and we did. That is our record, not National’s. On the question of the Kermadecs—which is of interest to the people of Taranaki, as well—what happened in the Kermadecs? Well, the Government went down and sold out the total legal right, right under your nose, and the Māori Party was asleep. So before you hug your whānau from around the country, find out the Government’s record. Mr Finlayson told my colleagues—

💬 Tim Macindoe: This is outrageous, even by your standards—absolutely outrageous.

—and I do not want to hear from that flyboy from Hamilton, who would not know a Māori if he fell over one. Just keep quiet—you, sir, know nothing about the Māori world. I am talking about bills that I have been aware of since I was a young lawyer in the early 1970s. I do not want to hear from a schoolteacher like you who knows nothing.

Back to my point—back to my point. Mr Finlayson told my colleagues, he said: “Don’t worry about this provision in the bill. It’s identical to the Local Government Act.” He said it is identical to the Local Government Act. At that point, my colleague pulled the Supplementary Order Paper on his assurance. Mr Finlayson, that was false, and I will prove it to you. That was demonstrably false, and the whip can get up and make any comment he likes, but the reality is that I will prove, on the documents today, that what he said was false.

💬 Todd Barclay: Sit down.

Here are the documents—oh, no, I am not sitting down. I will be here long after you have gone, sunshine. Ha, ha! I will be here long after you, because these Māori people up here are not going to be sucked in by your words of integrity and honesty and how you feel all the passion. Boy, I have been around in the Māori world a long time, and the last thing I am going to believe is you—make no bones about that.

Do you know what the Local Government Act says—hear these words: “The members of a committee or subcommittee may, but need not be, elected members of the local authority, and a local authority or committee may …”. If you go the bill that he said was identical—this “Blackstone of the Antipodes”, this leading legal mind alongside Lord Denning from the Commonwealth. He told everybody on the Māori Affairs Committee that it was the same, but listen to these words: “The Council must appoint …”—

💬 Todd Barclay: Talk about the bill.

This is the bill, sunshine. I am reading from the bill—dummy from Gore. I am reading from the bill. The man whose—half his electorate organisation walked off and joined New Zealand First, and you can see why. In the deep south they like the truth. They like honesty.

Here we go: “The Council must …”. Is “must” the word “may”? Are they the same? Mr Finlayson, are “must” and “may” the same? Well, do not go to the select committee and pull a whole lot of flannel and think that you are going to get away with it. You are found out, sunshine.

He gets into a right little hissy fit. Did you hear him this morning? All the venom—“I came here to do good.” Oh, really? What did he do about the Kermadecs? Go and ask the people of Ngāpuhi. What did he do about the Kermadecs? Ask Ngāi Tahu. You thought you could walk through there without the member finding out. Well, thank heavens they have got a party called New Zealand First. They have got a party called New Zealand First, and we keep the system honest.

💬 Tim Macindoe: Speak about the bill.

This is the bill, idiot features. Here we are, page 50—all right—clause 99(3). This is what is in the bill; I am reading it to you. That is how familiar he is, and that man is the whip. He is the organiser. You can see why National is falling in the polls, because that is the kind of “loony tunes”, disorganised twit it has got organising the National caucus. But here we go—here is Gerry Brownlee—

💬 Tim Macindoe: Absolutely outrageous behaviour—horrible, even by his standards.

Oh, lighten up, sunshine, I could eat you for breakfast.

💬 Tim Macindoe: No, not for you.

Ha, ha! I could eat you for breakfast. Listen to him—loud-mouth.

Here was Gerry Brownlee on Morning Report—he gets asked this: “How many National MPs were going to be there on Friday?”. Do you know what he said? “Ah, look, I can’t go into that because I am not the whip.” He is the Leader of the House. There is Tim—that is the whip there. I know you find this incredulous. I know you find this unbelievable, that he could be a whip. But Gerry had not even consulted with him, and perhaps he had an excuse there. But he said: “I am not the whip, and don’t have that info in front of me. But it would have been in the vicinity of, sort of, 40 people.” Right, so if he has got 40 and we have got 12, what is the problem? Come on, let me ask you this question. If we have got 12 and they have got 40—according to Gerry—plus the Māori Party, plus the Greens, and plus Labour, then why are we not here tomorrow on this bill? Those members shut down your right. They shut down your entitlement. They pulled—

The ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Hon Trevor Mallard): Order!

Gerry Brownlee pulled the vote. “Mr Whip”, your bulbous, loud-mouthed behaviour does you no good at all. I have the transcript here of the Business Committee’s workings and its diary, and it says that you are telling bulldust, so leave and go somewhere else—thank you very much. The House has got better all of a sudden. Ha, ha!

Look, the interviewer is on to it. She said: “If there were 40-odd, wouldn’t that—hang on a minute, Mr Brownlee. If there was 40-odd, wouldn’t that give you the numbers?”. This is from the Morning Report interview this morning—a direct transcript. Guess what Gerry said—he said: “I think you’re missing the point here.” What point would that be? Could the House sit tomorrow—yes or no? Today he says you are missing the point. But this is the point, though: “If you had 75 percent of the MPs here, which I think is about 44 members in National’s case, then would you have had the numbers?”. Listen to this one here—I know the people in Taranaki have heard too much bulldust over the years to fall for this sort of flimflam from them. Guess what Gerry said: “No, because”—

The ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Hon Trevor Mallard): Order!

Oh, Mr Brownlee, sorry.

The ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Hon Trevor Mallard): Thank you, Mr Peters.

I apologise. The erstwhile Mr Brownlee: “No, because there is a formula for how you cast your vote.” What formula would that be? The people of Taranaki are being taken for a ride right now. Pray tell me, the next speaker from National, what formula would that be? [Interruption] Do not laugh. Oh, they are looking down now, are they not? Ask the genius—the genius, the “Blackstone from the Antipodes”, the man who thinks he is up there with Lord Denning. What formula, Mr Minister, would that be? Caught out—he has been caught out by his own words.

Let me say this here: there is nothing to stop this legislation passing today and tomorrow. My party would be here to make sure it happens, as we said we would. I understand that every other party would have been as well, but National and the Māori Party briefly saw a chance to try to make some mileage. Well, it is not going to cut it—[Interruption] Do not shake your head. I know why you do that, because that is how you were born—with that stupid look.

Can I just say, very clearly, that what matters is that in the dark of the night, the Government sneaked a provision into legislation that had been voted down dramatically in New Plymouth in May of last year, when 83 percent of people in the Taranaki area came out and said they did not want race-based appointments to the council. There were 83 percent who said that, but not this National Party. Having campaigned on “Kiwi not iwi”—which got it in here—it is now going back to an apartheid-type system where it wants, under this law, to appoint six people, paid for by ratepayers, on to the council, and none of them would be elected.

This is the home of Sir Peter Buck. Sir Peter Buck, one of the greatest people ever, came to this Parliament. Māoridom still has that capacity in this Parliament, and what you are seeing today, I might tell you—whether you agree or not—is this: there is a party in this Parliament where Māori do not regard themselves as being pigeon-holed, being second-class citizens, or being tabulated by people like the Attorney-General. That party is called New Zealand First, and that is why we are making the stand we are making now.

Ā, tēnā koe, e Te Māngai o Te Whare, otirā, e tū ake au i runga i ngā kaupapa o ngā poropititanga o Taranaki. Nō reira, kia tau anō te rangimārie ki a tātou. Taku kōrero atu ki Te Whare nei “kia ū, kia ū, kia ū” ki ngā kaupapa kōrero o ngā poropititanga e pā ana ki tēnei pire. Nō reira, e tika an kia tuku mihi atu ki ngā hapū katoa o Taranaki Iwi, ki a Ngāti Haumia, Ngāti Haupoto, Ngāti Kahumate, Ngā Māhanga-ā-Tairi, Ngāti Moeahu, Ngāti Kamarongo, Ngāti Tara, Ngāti Tūhekerangi. Nō reira, Taranaki Iwi, tēnei ahau e tuku mihi atu ki a koutou: nau mai, haere mai, whakatau mai nei, ki tēnei te ana raiona, nō reira, tēnā koutou katoa.

[And so I say, thank you, Mr Assistant Speaker, but at the same time I stand upon the philosophies of the Taranaki prophecies. Therefore, allow peace to prevail over us once again. My word to this House is “be firm, staunch, and resolute” to the philosophical talk about the prophecies as they relate to this bill. So it is fitting that I extend a welcome to all the hapū of the Taranaki iwi: to Ngāti Haumia, Ngāti Haupoto, Ngāti Kahumate, Ngā Māhanga-ā-Tairī, Ngāti Moeahu, Ngāti Tamarongo, Ngāti Tara, and Ngāti Tūhekerangi. Therefore, I say to you collectively, the iwi of Taranaki: welcome, come hither, and alight here into the lion’s den, salutations to you all.]

I am pleased to take a call on this bill—this bill here, the totality of this bill and its history in getting to the House today. Ki a koe, e Mahara Okeroa, tēnei te mihi ake ki a koe, mō ō ma’i ka ma’ia mai e koe, me koutou katoa e whakatū ana i t’ēnei, nō reira tēnā koe, tēnā koutou.

[To you, Mahara Okeroa, this is an acknowledgment for all your work, and that done by all of you as well in putting this up, so acknowledgments to you, Mahara, and to you collectively.]

I have said it often, and I am going to say it again on this bill: this is an expression of the generosity of an iwi to this country. When you accept a negotiated settlement that has a far lower value in commercial terms, then that is a gift to the country, and that needs to be acknowledged—despite everything around it, and in spite of all the issues that have been raised that are not really relevant to this bill within this, the lion’s den, and I suppose that we have to acknowledge that that is what it is. I acknowledge all of the negotiators—both the Crown negotiators and the iwi negotiators as well—for bringing this issue to the House. I started off by recognising our poropititanga, and I join with other members who have acknowledged Te Whiti o Rongomai and Tohu Kākahi for their visionary way of taking action in a way that never ever diminished their integrity, their mana, and the interests of the people. That is why I say to the House today this is an act of generosity.

I support the bill because it is supported by all of the hapū of Taranaki iwi—that was very clear through the Māori Affairs Committee process. The changes that the Māori Affairs Committee has made are technical, and they make the bill a better one. I do want to address the issue of the Taranaki Regional Council. I think it is absolutely incorrect and wrong for anyone in this House to stand up and say that these clauses are race-based—they are not. These provide positions on a standing committee, not on the council itself. I think the issue that we also have to acknowledge is that Taranaki iwi, along with all the other iwi that have settled or are about to settle their claims, are a significant group within Taranaki, just like Federated Farmers are, and they have similar arrangements as well—without an Act of Parliament, without a deed of settlement. This is not about being Māori; this is about a large group of people within Taranaki who have—[Interruption]

The ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Hon Trevor Mallard): Order! I apologise to the member, but two of my friends and colleagues are having a conversation that is somehow getting into the sound system, and neither of them have quiet voices.

Thank you, e Te Māngai o Te Whare. As I was saying, this is a standing committee of the Taranaki Regional Council, not the council itself. It will play a very important role in the future of all of Taranaki, and a major voice of Taranaki iwi needs to be at that table. They need to have their voices heard in that context, and I mihi to the mana whenua. It is not all Māori who live in Taranaki. This is not about race; this is about iwi rights under Te Tiriti o Waitangi. I acknowledge my colleague Louisa Wall in her earlier contribution and Catherine Delahunty in her contribution, who highlighted those very facts. This is about upholding Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

I spoke earlier about ensuring that all settlements are enduring. It would be a travesty for this Parliament to pass a piece of legislation based on a deed of settlement and then to try to back out of it. Parliament is better than that. It is wrong for Parliament to even attempt to do that. A deed of settlement between the Crown and the iwi is a binding contract—binding. We, as a Parliament, have an obligation to make sure that we work through all of those processes and that we try to make the bill a better bill—not to change the substantive issues within it, but to address technical issues and make changes where there is an agreement between the iwi and the Parliament. So I stand here to refute everything that was said by the Rt Hon Winston Peters on this issue. Aroha mai, e te matua, kai te hē, kai te hē.

[I am sorry, sir, that is incorrect and wrong.]

I want to speak about the major part for me, and for many, which is around cultural redress. The cultural redress mechanisms cannot be quantified in monetary terms, but it is huge, in this bill, within this settlement. There are well over 20 statutory acknowledgments and there are deeds of recognition. There are all the cultural redress mechanisms within this bill, which add and acknowledge the mana of Taranaki iwi. I want to acknowledge those negotiators who had the tenacity to bring together such a comprehensive cultural redress mechanism within this bill. Ngā mihi nui ki a koutou. Quite often, I think, those issues are lost within the context of the discussion in this House.

I do not want to prolong this discussion. I think in the second reading we need to move this along and make sure that we get to third reading at the earliest possible time. Nō reira, e Te Whare, tēnei ahau anō e tuku mihi atu i roto i ngā āhuatanga o ngā poropititanga; kia tau anō te rangimarie, kia ora mai tātou.

[Therefore, to the House, I once again extend a tribute of acknowledgment in the circumstances of the prophecies; allow peace to prevail once again, my appreciation to us.]

Ā, Taranaki Iwi tēnā koutou! Kua rongo atu ki ngā korero i puta mai i te rangi nei e pā ana ki ngā taonga i waenganui i a koutou. Kua kawea e koutou tērā tino taonga mō tātou Te Māori, te maungarongo, hei ārahi i ō mātou nei whakaaro ahakoa ngā piki me ngā heke, ahakoa ngā pēhitanga kei runga i a tātou.

Kua kite mai e au tērā tū āhuatanga kei waenganui i a koutou, nō reira, ka nui te mihi atu ki ngā whakaaro i puta mai e pa ana ki ngā mahi o ngā kaunihera ā-rohe. Ēhara tēnei wāhanga ki tō koutou nei pire, he wāhanga hou. Kua whai tauira koutou pea i tērā o ngā whāinga kei waenganui i Te Rohe o Ikaroa-Rāwhiti i raro i tērā ture mō Te Hawkes Bay Planning Committee. I hipa tērā pire, me ērā o ngā tauira, kia noho tata mai ngā mea Māori i runga i tērā komiti, kia aro atu ki ngā mahere, ngā rautaki o tā rātou nei iwi, nō reira, kua kite mai te āhua tauritetanga o te noho i roto i te wāhanga iwa tekau mā waru, atu ki te iwa tekau mā iwa. Kāre au e whakapono ki ngā kōrero i puta mai i te kaihautū o Aotearoa Tuatahi. Ko au tētehi i whakahē i tana kōrero nā runga i te mōhio, ahakoa ka tūtū mai ngā ringa Māori kei waenganui i ngā kōwhiringa pōti ā-rohe, he uaua kia eke i runga i ngā kaunihera. Ā, ka ahatia? Ka kitea i te tuatahi tēnei tū āhuatanga, whai muri i tērā, ka tae ki te wā ka noho he mema ki runga i tētehi Kaunihera ā-rohe. Nō reira, e whakapono au, he tīmatatanga tēnei, he tīmatanga.

Whakaaro ake au ki ngā momo tīnihanga o ngā ingoa Māori. E kaha ana te kōrero o Te Komiti Māori mō te whakamōhiotia kei waenganui i ngā kura, ngā hītori tūturu o ia rohe i te wā i tutuki ngā take Tiriti. Ka tīmata ki konei! Tīni ki ngā ingoa tika kei waenganui i ngā iwi, kia noho tūturu ngā ingoa Māori i runga i te whenua. Arā, mai reira, ka āta whakaarohia, he aha te tino pūtake o tēnei ingoa ki tēnei wāhi, he aha ngā whakamārama. He mea pai tērā e kite nei e au! Ko tētehi atu, ngā āhuatanga e pā ana ki ngā wai māori, ngā manga me ngā awa, kua kite au i roto i ngā kōrero o te wā mō te mauri o te wai, te mana o te wai! He wāhanga tēnei kia tū tētehi pou hei whakatakoto i ngā hiahia o Taranaki ki ō rātou nei wai māori.

Atu i tērā, e Te Minita, tino whakaaro ake au ki ō kōrero e pā ana ki a Parihaka, me aku kōrero ki tēnei rangatira a Mahara, kia haere ngātahi ngā hiahia o te iwi e pā ana ki ngā take mō te whenua, ngā mea kei roto i te pire nei, ki ngā hiahia o te kāinga o Parihaka. Ko te tūmanako, ahakoa te aha ā tērā tau, ka whakatinanahia e tēnei Pāremata ngā wawata kei runga i tērā pā, a Parihaka. He tauira tērā ka pā ki a tātou katoa, Māori mā, Pākehā mā, kia kite i tēnei taonga o te maungārongo, te rongomau mō tō tātou nei whenua, atu i ngā take Tiriti, kei reira te tino whāinga: me pēwhea e taea tēnei motu e mau i ngā rongo, hei noho marire, hei noho pai tātou i runga i te mata o te whenua, hei mahi ngātahi kia puāwai pai a tātou tamariki katoa? Nō reira i kite au i te tino hua o te puāwaitanga o te whakaaro e pā ana ki Parihaka.

Karekau e hiahia ana ki te whakaroatia ngā kōrero, e tautoko ana i ngā kōrero o aku tūngane, a Adrian rāua ko Kelvin. Kia tāpiri atu ki te kaupapa nei, nō reira, Taranaki Iwi tēnā koutou katoa.

[And so greetings to you, the tribe of Taranaki! You have heard the contributions that have been made today about the treasures you have amongst you. You have borne that prized possession, peace, for us Māori as a guide for our thoughts regardless of the ups and downs, and despite the pressures upon us. I have noted that aspect amongst you, and so I admire you greatly for that.

I have much admiration for the views that have emerged about the functions of regional councils. This part of your bill is not a new one. You might have gained an example, perhaps, from one of those aims amongst the region of Ikaroa-Rāwhiti, under that Act for the Hawkes Bay Planning Committee. That bill and other examples were passed so that those Māori members on that committee living close by could give due consideration to the plans and strategies that relate specifically to their tribe, therefore the similarity to how sections 98 and 99 sit can be seen. I don’t believe the statements made by the leader of New Zealand First. I am one who opposes what he said, because I know that despite the fact that Māori hands are raised to enter local body elections, it is very difficult for them to get on to councils. So what happens? In the first instance, this situation is identified and, after that, one eventually is able to sit on a regional council as a member, in time. So I truly believe that this is a beginning, it is a start.

I think about the various changes to Māori names. The Māori Affairs Committee has spoken strongly about the understanding there is among schools about the real history of each region at the time Treaty matters are settled. The change back to the proper names among the tribes begins here, so that the original Māori place names on the lands remain permanently. So from there the relevance and actual meaning of that name to this place can be carefully considered. I perceive that as a good thing! Furthermore, in terms of matters relating to fresh waters, mountains, and rivers, I have found out about the vitality and power of the water in the stories of the time. This part sets up a marker for Taranaki’s aspirations to their fresh water.

That aside, Minister, I have really considered your statements about Parihaka, and my comments to the esteemed Mahara Okeroa, and how they must go in unison with the aspirations of the tribe about matters relating to the land, things that are in this bill, alongside the needs of the Parihaka settlement. Regardless of what happens next year, the hope is that this Parliament implements the expectations placed upon that settlement of Parihaka. That model touches us all, both Māori and Pākehā, and to witness this treasure of peace and serenity for this country of ours, aside from Treaty matters, that is really what is being pursued here: how will this nation maintain a peaceful existence and work well together so that all of our children can come to fruition properly? And so I can see the real benefit in regard to the philosophy about Parihaka coming to fruition.

I do not wish to prolong the contributions, and endorse those of my colleagues Adrian and Kelvin as an addition to this matter, so congratulations to you, the tribe of Taranaki.]

It is a pleasure to take another short call on the settlement for Taranaki iwi. Of all the Treaty settlements that have already been done to date, this one is actually the one that is probably the most meaningful for me, because this is the area where I grew up. I was born in Ōpunake and I lived a fair proportion of my early life near Ōrimupiko Marae. When I got married to my husband, Louis, we moved to a place called Ōaonui near Te Pōtaka. I went to school with many of the people who lived in and around Parihaka at that time—at Ōpunake High School. So, for me, this is actually very close to my heart and very close to home.

I would just like to reiterate some of the words that have been said around Parihaka from the Hon Nanaia Mahuta in her speech that she has just made, about fulfilling the aspirations of the people of Parihaka. If you go into Puke Ariki museum in Ngā Motu you can actually see pictures of what Parihaka used to look like. To me, the devastation and everything that went on there—there are no words and no amount of money that can make up for that now.

But, again, I want to comment on the generosity of the Taranaki iwi in accepting this settlement, and I also want to make mention of Adrian Rurawhe, who talked about the economy. I have actually got a copy of an article that he wrote for the Opunake and Coastal News about the growing Māori economy and about the development phase and about the work that will happen for the young people. I really want to fully endorse that.

I really want to wish Wharehoka Wano well as tumuwhakarito of Te Kāhui o Taranaki Trust, and the trust chairman, Toka Walden, who went to school with me. About the 5-year strategy, I know there are plans, I know there are visions, and I look forward to seeing not only the economic benefits that come from this Treaty settlement but, I think, more importantly for me, the cultural redress. I look forward to Parihaka being a wonderful place again for your people.

So, for me, it is about any partnership between the Crown and the Taranaki iwi that can help to develop Parihaka, in particular, back to its status. It will never be what it was. It was taken away, and it is really sad that it was taken away in shame in such a peaceful protest, but we can develop Parihaka into something really fabulous again. So it is the economic redress, but, more importantly for me, it is the cultural redress. I commend this bill to the House.