General Debate

I move, That the House take note of miscellaneous business. In the general debate this afternoon I think we should, on this occasion, start with apologies. I think we should start with apologies. I would like to lead off with a few apologies. No. 1: I am sorry for being a man. Has that been done before? [Interruption] Oh, OK, I will try this one—I will try another one. I am sorry for having a holiday.

💬 Hon Bill English: That’s been done before, too.

Oh, OK. I am sorry for wearing a red scarf. [Interruption] No. Oh, I know—I am sorry for having a moa resuscitation plan. That has got to be new—that has got to be new. [Interruption] No? Another one—for you, Mr Speaker: I am sorry for having a secret trust. That would be—

💬 Hon Bill English: No, that’s been done.

That has been done? I am sorry for not telling you about my secret trust, Mr Speaker. Has that been done? And, most of all, Mr Speaker, I am sorry you found out about my secret trust. I have another one: I am sorry for being tricky. That has been done before? Well, we have seen a lot of apologies, but from now on I am going to be straight up. I am going to stick to the Labour knitting. That is what I am going to do, with the exception of the scarf.

This train is leaving the station. It has left a few times before, but this time it is definitely leaving the station. This is my team. This is my team, except, to be fair, Shane Jones. He is not on the team any more, no. Dover Samuels—he is not on the team any more. Andrew Little—he is not really on the team any more. Damien O’Connor and Rino Tirikatene—they are not really on the team, because they crossed the floor. But aside from Shane Jones, Dover Samuels, Andrew Little, Damien O’Connor, and Rino Tirikatene, this is my team.

💬 Hon Member: What about Annette?

Well, actually, not Annette. She is not really on the team, either, or Phil, because they work hard. They get out in the country, working hard. Clayton is not really on the team. To be fair, I do not think he has ever been on the team. Trevor is not so much on the team—not really on the team. But aside from Shane, Dover, Andrew, Damien, Rino, Annette, Phil, Clayton, and Trevor, this is my team. This is my team. Well, actually, you have got to exclude Grant, to be fair, because Grant is not really on my team, or David Parker—he is not on the team—or Chris Hipkins. He is not on it.

I am not sure about Stuart Nash. I think he is on the team. He must be on the team because he said: “It wasn’t me.” He said in the Hawke’s Bay Today that he denies the claim that he criticised Cunliffe, although, on the other hand, he also said this: “I must admit when I read it [the newspaper quoting the party source], apart from the swearing, it sounds a little bit like me.” “It sounded like me.”, Mr Nash said. And he said that he was not the source and that the comments could have come from “any of the 15,000 members who were out putting up hoardings in the rain or delivering pamphlets in the cold or this sort of carry-on”.

So this is my team, except for Shane Jones, Dover Samuels, Andrew Little, Damien O’Connor, Rino Tirikatene, Annette King, Phil Goff, Clayton Cosgrove, Trevor Mallard, Grant Robertson, David Parker, Chris Hipkins, Kelvin Davis, Stuart Nash, and the 15,000 members of the Labour Party who would have said what I did not say in the newspaper. That is my team. It is game on—it is game on. The Labour Party is marching to the election, united as a single team. That is what is going on. And, of course, we now have the regional growth policy, which we share with the Greens.

The regional growth policy—here it is. It is out today: one, put a capital gains tax on every productive business; two, have a carbon tax at five times the current price; three, introduce big levies for the use of fresh water; four, restore a national awards system, which would force regional employers to pay what they pay in Auckland; five, stop any more trade deals; six, clamp down on the dairy industry; seven, clamp down on the oil and gas industry. And then, the coup de grâce, when that has all been done and the regions have all fallen over, is to give them a $200 million slush fund to make them feel better. The Labour Party should apologise for that, as well.

For a time during that speech from Mr Joyce, I thought that his underpants were on too tight. New Zealand First wishes to raise an important matter going directly to competent, accountable Government. We are aware of serious complaints against a Mr Bryan Staples and his companies operating in Christchurch on a range of matters. Reliable information has come to us of a long list of fraudulent practices carried out by Bryan Staples and his various companies. Mr Bryan Staples has used his companies to defraud, mislead, and cheat people—[Interruption]—and it is not a laughing matter, I say for Jami-Lee Whyte’s benefit. We want to set out the nature of the serious concerns that we are raising today, which have been raised with authorities, which have clearly failed to act to apprehend and stop this man’s so-called business activities.

The main activity of complaint was his companies’ purporting to carry out technical inspections of properties for earthquake compensation purposes, which neither he nor his companies and the people they employed were qualified to do.

💬 Hon Gerry Brownlee: That’s right.

It is not a laughing matter, Mr Brownlee. They were paid, but did not actually provide genuine technical reports. The reports supplied were useless. His companies and Mr Staples also employed a number of subcontractors who carried out work on damaged properties. Mr Staples and his companies got paid but the subcontractors did not, I say to Mr Jami-Lee Whyte—

💬 Hon Members: Ha, ha!

—Ross, rather. We understand that he and his companies had no intention of paying numerous subcontractors.

Mr Staples carried out work and registered for GST as a business, and he accepted payment for work, which he then issued GST invoices for, but he did not file returns nor pay the GST. It would also appear that Mr Staples directly instructed his company and his employees not to pay GST. It appears he employed the old tactic that whenever people demanded payment, he began to pretend that there was a dispute. Then Mr Staples would use every delaying tactic possible, never intending to actually defend any claim nor pay any part of it.

He also brought in Filipino workers under contract. There are two issues. How did he get these people by Immigration New Zealand and the Ministry for Business, Innovation and Employment, and how did he influence those two departments to allow these people in? It is clear from the evidence that he had no intention of treating these immigrant workers lawfully, which raises the issue of why, before they obtained immigration status, these two departments did not do due diligence to avoid such breaches of our employment law. The second issue is that he simply did not pay these Filipino workers. He left them in dire straits. He and his companies failed to make Inland Revenue Department returns or make payments of PAYE tax for the Filipino workers. He instructed his company employees not to file PAYE returns and not to pay their PAYE taxes. The list goes on, but in the time available those are the main matters that we have got to say today.

My concern is that if New Zealand First is aware of them, what on earth is going on with the Minister and the relevant Government departments? The Inland Revenue Department, the Ministry for Business, Innovation and Employment, the Serious Fraud Office—what have they been doing? There has been no firm action from these agencies.

💬 Hon Gerry Brownlee: You were backing Mr Staples 12 months ago.

I ask Mr Brownlee to stop bleating and explain what you have not done. Why do you not get off your broad half-back and do something for these people down there who are not being paid and being robbed blind as immigrants? The so-called pro-immigrant party could not give a tinker’s damn about them.

Mr Staples is the man, of course, who has been painting himself on TV as the modern Robin Hood. Well, he is halfway there. He is taking from ordinary people, but he is not giving to the poor. He is Robin Hood in reverse. Mr Brownlee and Mr Dunne and Mr Joyce—what have you not done and why have you not done it?

I want to close with this statement about an MP who is now escaping scrutiny by Parliament and by the media because she has gone to ground. You see, she misused her credit card.

💬 Hon Judith Collins: Oh, $150.

Oh, no, no. Mr Key made the call on Sunday night because there were blatant financial irregularities that neither she nor the National Party could reconcile. That is a fact. The second thing is that Mr Key said that her breaches were unintentional and that he was “not aware of further misspending”. Then he claimed that he did not have any advice on that. That is false. He does. I want to know why someone can just say “I’m not standing at the next election.” and there is no punishment, no chastisement. She just says “I’m not going to stand.” and goes to September being paid full pay as an MP and then for 3 months after that.

💬 Andrew Williams: Five more months.

For 5 more months—someone who has badly breached the parliamentary rules, far beyond $200, the lousy amount that those Ministers over there are shouting about. You have got the Minister of Police and all sorts of Ministers, all the way to the Prime Minister, giving assurances. Let me tell you about Mr Key’s statement. He said: “I pledge greater transparency”—

Order! The member’s time has expired.

Speaking of individuals, not that I do want to, I note that Colin Craig wants to be an MP, and Colin Craig introduced his latest attempt at a headline by calling it a wild and crazy idea. He is not wrong there. But more than that, the Conservative Party’s policies to get rid of the Māori seats, shut down the Waitangi Tribunal, and implement one law for all are ignorant, are dangerous, and are not welcome in the political system of our country. It is election time and once again political parties that are in trouble choose to pull the race card out of the hat to scratch the redneck part of our society. I can tell you that Māori are sick of it, as is this nation.

Politicians have a responsibility to educate and inform, not act in such a way as to provoke racial division and tension. New Zealand needs leaders who understand that indigenous rights are human rights, that cultural diversity and representation are good for democracy, and that the constitutional basis of our nationhood lies in Te Tiriti o Waitangi. I for one am proud to say that this has been the consistent call of the Māori Party since we first entered this Parliament.

We want all aspiring members of Parliament to understand that dedicated Māori electorate seats distinguish our democratic process here in Aotearoa. Actually, we must not forget that the first race-based law was introduced in 1858 and was called the English Laws Act. It was one single statute that imposed the culture, customs, and conventions of Britain on all New Zealanders. The Māori electorate seats are a conversation between Māori and the Crown—not for the majority of New Zealand making a decision for a minority.

As the Chief Judge of our court Taihākūrei Durie said: “Like the Treaty of Waitangi, the Māori parliamentary seats stand as an enduring symbol of their constitutional status—and historic statements of principle, like symbols, are essential tools in re-building our national identity.” Ever since the English Laws Act we have been in catch-up mode, trying to build a more representative Parliament that encompasses all New Zealanders, not just those with a British passport. The Māori seats have been an important mechanism to try to protect and develop Māori interests.

Colin Craig needs to know that his party has no right—no right—to step in and try to take the rights away from tangata whenua. Only tangata whenua have the right to determine what is in our best interests. As parties to the Treaty, Māori should at least be guaranteed representation in the organs of kāwanatanga. In the past Labour tried measures like the Foreshore and Seabed Act, and it opposed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples—and look how that went down. We have been down that track before and we do not want a repeat run. The reality is that the New Zealand Government, after advocacy from the Māori Party, signed up to the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples in 2010 and it is here to stay.

In fact, the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples states that indigenous peoples have the right to participate fully, if they so choose, at all levels of decision making in matters that affect their rights, lives, and destinies through representatives chosen by themselves in accordance with their own procedures. So we are where we should be, and we should not have to put up with the divisive rants of some.

We have had over 170 years of attempts at assimilation, from various politicians and parties, and we continue to suffer from the consequences of those sorts of policies today. The old assimilation policy is hidden behind a few new terms and slogans, such as “one law for all”, or “we are all one people, we are all Kiwis”, and even “some of my best friends are Māori”. But the intention is the same, and we know all about that. In this day and age there is no place for political leaders who know nothing about our history and know nothing about us. There is no excuse for being ignorant and we, the people, will never ever tolerant policies that aim to take away from us, without our informed consent. That will not happen. Māori must make decisions about Māori representation.

It is always a pleasure to follow Mr Te Ururoa Flavell. He is always a thoughtful speaker, and I think he has put a lot of effort into what he has had to say today. I would like to say, however, that I am actually feeling a little bit sorry for David Cunliffe.

💬 Dr Cam Calder: No!

Yes, I am, because I know he is sorry for everything. But what I am really sorry about is that poor old David Cunliffe—we saw it today; the lack of discipline in his party. Where was the shadow Leader of the House? Was he popping up and down? No, it was David Parker trying to take on that role. Then we had Trevor Mallard trying to take on the role. Then we had Grant Robertson finally getting himself out of his seat to raise a point of order and to try to take over the role. What we saw today, in question time, were leadership bids going on for post this election.

Poor old David Cunliffe. You would have to wonder. He has had so much advice given to him today. I think the press was pretty good today. Members of the press told him to stop saying sorry. Actually, he cannot. He has started now. He is sorry for being a man. Well, I can tell the House that 49 percent of New Zealanders are men. They should not be sorry for being men, just as someone like me, who is a mother, is not sorry for being a mother, even though there are some mothers who kill their children, or beat them, or whatever. I am not sorry for being a mother. What I am sorry for is that they are mothers. That is what David Cunliffe should be saying. Instead, what he said to all men in New Zealand was that they too should feel ashamed.

He was also sorry to be on holiday. Well, he should just stay away, really. He is sorry for not knowing what was happening in the polls. He would be the only one in New Zealand who was not aware. He is sorry that he has got Trevor Mallard on the moa farm. I think it is fair enough that Trevor Mallard wants a moa farm. It would be a bit funny if he had a duck farm, would it not? He is sorry he has got a do-up in the elite suburb of Herne Bay. He is sorry that Grant Robertson spent 3 years of parliamentary time talking about the Government Communications Security Bureau (GCSB). It is not an issue, I have to say, that anyone in the Papakura electorate has raised with me. That is probably because we have got an army camp in the town, and they actually like having some help from the GCSB.

I would also say to that member—what is his name? Williams from New Zealand First—Mr Williams. I cannot remember his first name, sorry. He has got a policy about drunkenness in a public place. I bet he is sorry too. I bet he is sorry. I just wonder whether his leader thinks that Parliament is a public place, or else he will be sorry as well.

Labour has got a man ban. Its members are sorry about that. But I thought, apart from the man ban, what was really good, what I really loved, was the cosmetics ban. Who did they have to run it? Trevor Mallard. What would Trevor know about cosmetics? What would Trevor know? I see Su’a William Sio laughing away, because he would have thought that there are lots of other people in the Labour Party who are much better qualified than Trevor to run an anti-cosmetics campaign.

Then we would have to say that David Cunliffe could also be sorry for undermining Phil Goff when he was leader. He could be sorry for undermining David Shearer. But I think most of all he should be sorry for being so jealous of Shane Jones that he drove him out of Parliament. That is what he really should be sorry about, because Shane actually has charisma and a personality, and he has got followers, which poor old David Cunliffe does not have.

But over on this side we are not sorry at all. We are really proud of the hard work that we are doing. In the justice sector we are so proud of the police and of corrections staff. I am proud of my colleagues, I am proud of the courts, and I am proud of my Ministry of Justice. I am proud of the team that we have—the Attorney-General, the Minister for Courts, the Minister of Police, and the Minister of Corrections. I am proud of the fact that we have a team that is united and working for New Zealand, not working for the Labour Party flunkeys over on the other side of the House.

For the National Government members, of course, it is politics as usual this afternoon, along with their lame jokes and their nasty little gibes that they are coming out with. Meanwhile, the regions lie bleeding—meanwhile the regions lie bleeding—and they laugh. Anne Tolley finds that funny. Well, Mrs Tolley, go and face those 114 workers in Hamilton who have had news today that their jobs are going. Laugh in their faces, and see how that one goes. On this side of the House we are talking about the issues that matter to people—the issues that matter to people—because those people, under that Government, are losing their jobs. It is not only those people but their families who will be affected. There are 114 more jobs going from the Hamilton economy, as if we can afford that. This comes on the back of 130 jobs going from New Zealand Post—yes, a Government-owned entity. One hundred and thirty jobs had already gone from New Zealand Post in Hamilton—yes, a Government-owned entity—from their distribution centre. About 200 jobs have gone from the Huntly mines over the course of the last few years—yes, a Government-owned entity. The Government is pulling out of town in Hamilton and it is hurting. It is hurting our economy. But there are other jobs that are going as well—120 jobs went a few months ago from the Goodman Fielder factory in Frankton, the Hutton’s plant, and 180 jobs are set to go next year from AgResearch in Ruakura, Hamilton—yes, a Government-owned entity. The Government is pulling out big time in our city. Unemployment is going up, and the economy is suffering as a result.

The members over there have gone a little quiet. Well, so they should because in the Waikato region unemployment is going up—it is going up. In March 2013, when you could have argued that the global financial crisis was still at its height, there was 5.6 percent unemployment in the Waikato region. In March 2014, when we were supposed to be climbing out of the global financial crisis, there was 7 percent unemployment in the Waikato region. It is going backwards, and that is under the National Government. Unemployment is rising and GDP per capita is going backwards in that same region. Yet the Waikato region should be humming. It should be humming. It is coming off the back of the highest dairy prices that we have ever had in this country. In the Waikato region that should mean plenty of jobs and better economic activity. But under this sorry Government, with its lack of a regional economic development plan, guess what? Unemployment is going up in the Waikato. It is the dairy giant region of the world, and this Government cannot get it right.

What is the Government doing in the Waikato region, in an area that should be humming, with the high dairy prices that there have been? Well, it is pulling out the agricultural scientists from the Waikato region. How dumb is that? This is from a Government that has no strategy for delivering to regions’ strengths. When those 180 jobs come out of Ruakura, there will be more money out of our local economy and there will be more jobs down the track after that. As it is, there are 114 jobs under threat today at Canpac in Te Rapa, in the electorate of Tim Macindoe. He asked a question at question time today about regional economies, and not once did he mention the 114 jobs going in his own electorate, because he does not care. He does not care about those jobs going, and I think that is a disgrace. But with those jobs going, $6 million in spent wages will come out of the local Hamilton economy every year, from losing those jobs. Do you know what is going to happen next under this Government? There will be more jobs from our local economy after those wages stop being spent there.

A Labour-led Government has a plan for regions like the Waikato. We just yesterday announced a plan to put $200 million into the regions to ensure that we can actually create jobs, improve economies, and take care of the regions. Well, they may joke while the regions lie bleeding, but in the Labour Party we are making a plan for regional economic development so that we can actually improve those economies, get jobs in there, help families, and make a difference.

I would, first of all, like to acknowledge my colleague, my good mate the Hon Chris Tremain, CJ, who has obviously just run a quick triathlon or something in the last 40 minutes. It seems like just yesterday that the two of us turned the bay “blue”. CJ turned the good seat of Napier to National, after 52-odd years of Labour representation—a feat that will go down in history. He has done such an awesome job, with his passion for and love of our province and Napier. He is just a top man. Also, his achieving the status of Cabinet Minister, the first Napier MP to be a Cabinet Minister—CJ, you’ve done really well, mate.

The joint sheer drive between myself and Chris for an even better Hawke’s Bay, being relentlessly positive for our beautiful bay, has been recognised by the good people and the voters in the Hawke’s Bay, as the party vote for National across the Hawke’s Bay has increased in each and every single election since. In fact, it has increased to the point where my opponent and the Opposition candidates up there this time are not even campaigning for the party vote. They are not even on the list this time. I have got plenty of stories I would love to tell. I have got only a few minutes, but I also know that Chris’ valedictory is pretty soon and he will have the last word, so I had better not wind him up too much.

Of course, there has been interesting attention on the regions in the last few days—fair enough—but I would just like to note that like the rest of New Zealand, the region of the Hawke’s Bay is actually performing very, very well. It has awesome opportunities in front of it and good leadership, and there is commitment, faith, and confidence in our region. We will continue to absolutely fly.

Interestingly, with Labour’s announcement yesterday, I would just like to note that the last time Labour paid any attention to the province of Hawke’s Bay or the region was actually when one David Cunliffe as health Minister sacked our district health board. Incidentally, the health board has since been essentially re-elected and essentially unchanged, twice. I do note that his last commentary on the Hawke’s Bay was his famous quote where he described our health board of the time—remember, this is the man who wants to be New Zealand’s Prime Minister—and he overreached. Yes, there was a situation in the Hawke’s Bay. He overegged it. He overreached, and basically he stuffed it up. He described the good members of the Hawke’s Bay District Health Board at that time as a nasty mess of self-perpetuating provincial elites. That is from the mouth of the person who wants to be the Prime Minister for New Zealand and the regions. We should note that that was the last time he paid any attention.

Incidentally, he is now busy saying sorry for being a man. He is saying sorry for wearing a scarf. He is saying sorry for being sorry. He is saying sorry for all sorts of things. But you know what? It would not take much, but he is yet to apologise and say sorry for what he did to the Hawke’s Bay District Health Board. Yes, it was a few years ago, but, quite frankly, that shows the nature of the man who wants to be the Prime Minister of New Zealand. If anyone wants to know what he is like under pressure, have a look at how he reacted, have a look at the paperwork, and have a look at the affidavits of what he did to the Hawke’s Bay District Health Board.

National is continuing to promote initiatives across the country and in the regions. Hawke’s Bay is one. Across the Hawke’s Bay, due to our policies, we have seen 27 more full-time equivalent doctors. We have seen 116 more full-time equivalent nurses across the Hawke’s Bay just in the last few years. There is about a 100 percent increase in foot patrols of police on the beat in eastern districts in 2013, and crime is low. There has been an investment of $2 million in the clean-up of rivers in the Hawke’s Bay, and 13,322 Hawke’s Bay homes have been insulated because of the good policies of this National Government.

I acknowledge again my good mate CJ Tremain. Hawke’s Bay is in a much better state because of the work you have done and because of your passion for our province. Cheers.

Together it is possible to build a cleaner, fairer, smarter New Zealand—a New Zealand in which our rivers are clean enough to swim in again and our beaches are safe from oil spills, a New Zealand in which every child has enough to thrive, and a New Zealand that is built on a smarter, greener economy that benefits every one of us.

However, this vision of a richer country is not the New Zealand that National has left after 6 years in Government. Under National, two-thirds of our monitored river swimming sites are now so polluted that they are considered unsafe for swimming. Swimmable rivers are a birthright of our children, but the opportunity to swim in our sea and our rivers is not the only birthright that National is denying our children. There are 35,000 more children in severe poverty in New Zealand now than when the National Party was elected to Government. Fifty percent of all New Zealanders have seen no real increase in their net income at all, once housing costs are taken into account.

It is really no surprise that only a small number of New Zealanders are getting ahead under this Government. National’s pollution economy is jobs poor. It favours low-value, simple commodities over high-value innovation. Evidence of National turning its back on an innovation economy is its plan to cut Government research and development spending by 10 percent in real terms over the next 3 years, according to its own statistics. Three more years of National is not a safe option for New Zealand. Three more years will put our environment, our children, and our economy at risk.

The Green Party has a comprehensive plan for a cleaner, fairer, smarter New Zealand. We will make our rivers clean enough to swim in once again. In Government, the Greens will establish a protective rivers network to permanently safeguard our most precious rivers. We protect the best of our habitats and our landscapes in national parks; we can do the same for our rivers. We will also keep our wild rivers wild by not building any new dams on our wild rivers. We will put in place proper water rules that ensure that no New Zealand river is allowed to degrade further and that our rivers and lakes are clean enough for swimming once more.

New Zealanders have a choice: the Green Party’s plan for rivers that are clean enough to swim in, or National’s plan for polluted rivers that are so polluted that even if you touch them, if you dip your toe in them, you have a serious risk of a serious infection. I know which option I prefer.

Persistent and damaging poverty and inequality, another legacy of this Government, grate with the sense of who we are as a nation. But child poverty can be eliminated. We need to have a plan, and the Green Party has a credible and costed plan to ensure that all New Zealand children have enough to thrive. For a start, in Government, the Green Party will extend the 20 hours early childcare subsidy to every 2-year-old. For parents of the 40,000 children aged between 2 and 3 years who currently miss out on the 20 hours of funding support, this will mean they will be up to $95 a week better off.

At the same time as reducing the cost of early childhood education to parents, we will embark on an ambitious plan to improve the quality of early childhood education for all our children, starting with restoring full funding to those centres that employ 100 percent trained teachers. Good quality early childhood education has a profound lifelong impact on a child, one the Government simply does not understand. It can mean starting school ready to learn and being in a position to get the most out of education. Research shows that investing in early childhood education is one of the most effective investments a society can make. For every dollar spent on early childhood education, between $3 and $16 is returned. The Greens will invest in our kids so they can thrive, and we will get them out of National’s poverty trap.

It is time also to get serious about building a smarter economy. If we want to provide for our social needs and aspirations, we need to be at least as innovative as other nations. That means making high value-added manufactured goods and services, and not simply selling commodities like raw logs and milk powder, as is the National Party’s plan. To kick start a transformational shift in how our economy creates wealth, the Green Party will invest $1 billion in new Government funding into research and development, unlike cutting it, as the Government proposes. We will also fund an additional 1,000 places at tertiary institutions for students of engineering, mathematics, computer science—

💬 Mr SPEAKER: Order! The member’s time has expired.

That speech by Russel Norman was without a doubt one of the most boring obituaries I have ever heard in my life. It was, in my view, a gross misuse of facts to run down rural New Zealand. It will not help our cause. Regional New Zealand has faced its share of challenges in the past 40 years as our population and economy have adjusted and acclimatised to change. The progress we have made in the past 6 years under this Government is now having positive effects as the buoyant world food market and demand lifts farmer confidence, optimism, and ability to invest further in their industry. New tourism initiatives such as the Forgotten World Adventures, cycle trails, and walking tracks are appearing. The growth in these businesses is leading to new opportunities for growth and investment in our regions.

The announcement in Levin last week by Ministers Joyce and Guy of an ambitious plan to double my region’s agribusiness production by 2025, after some early feasibility studies by mayors Margaret Kouvelis and Jono Naylor, who of course is the very good candidate for National in Palmerston North, is another example of a proactive Government determined to enable our regions. The interesting point to note is that this agribusiness strategy is not all about increasing agricultural production, as the previous speaker would have us believe. It includes science, tourism, and the manufacturing sectors, which complement our traditional farming activities.

Fresh water is critical to the future of our country and the Rangitīkei, as tourism and farming rely heavily on our pristine environment for our futures. The Government has invested heavily in this area, adding a further $12 million to it in the Budget just passed. This is on top of $350 million already committed to lake and river clean-ups, and the $101 million already spent in this Government’s term. The Rangitīkei has three of New Zealand’s major rivers—the beautiful Whanganui River, which is a beautiful river and a great tourism opportunity for that region and certainly for the electorate of the member sitting next to me; the Manawatū, the subject already of a considerable amount of clean-up funding and, of course, New Zealand’s first river accord; and, of course, the Rangitīkei, one of the best fishing rivers in New Zealand.

National has also developed the Agricultural Greenhouse Gas Research centre in Palmerston North in partnership with AgResearch and nine other partners. This, as it progresses, will add significantly to our contribution to climate change measures and increase our productivity. The other key measure adding to the productivity in our region announced in the past few weeks is the increase in the regional roading spend. In my region the replacement of the Whirokino trestle bridge south of Foxton, which is over 1.5 kilometres long, when completed will take some 30 kilometres off the trip for the average heavy truck from the central North Island to Wellington—30 kilometres. Add this to the Ōtaki to Wellington roading improvements, including the capital expressway and Transmission Gully, and the benefit to the central North Island will be significant. The Tongariro and Whanganui National Parks are a huge resource for the people of Rangitīkei. Winter sports, walking, boating, and cycling are growing at a great rate. On top of this, we have a net migration inflow of people into the region in the last month, an increase in population, and a drop in unemployment. Despite the wailings of Labour and the Greens, this Government has made significant investment in the future of regional New Zealand, and we are seeing the benefits in our region.

One of the key challenges that our rural councils face is managing demand for access to our vast network of paper roads, and careful thought will need to be given to the future management of these. The Walking Access Commission has started this work but there is much to do and funding will be required in the future to complete this work.

I want to briefly acknowledge the huge role that Tariana Turia has played in the Māori communities throughout my region, and congratulate her as she leaves this place on making such a great contribution to the welfare of so many. I want to briefly note the work done by Ngāti Apa in the south of the Rangitīkei, particularly in the social field, and now, with the acquisition of Flock House and the subsequent partnership they have formed to farm this historic property. It will be the forerunner of things to come and perhaps the trendsetter to help unlock the vast potential of Māori land in New Zealand.

In Taumarunui, the Kōkiri Trust is achieving fantastic results in areas such as health, education, work projects, and aged care under the leadership of Christine Brears—another initiative from, and thanks again to, the great work of Minister Turia. Finally, I want to acknowledge the time that my north-western neighbour, Shane Ardern, has spent working for the people of the north of the Rangitīkei. In the hill country of the North Island, boundaries are obscure and challenges are the same wherever you live. Thank you.

Tēnā koe e Te Kaiwhakahaere o te Whare nei, ā, tēnā tātou katoa ngā mema o te Whare nei i runga i te kaupapa whakahirahira o tēnei wiki, te wiki o tō tātou reo, o ō tātou rangatira. Nō reira, tēnā tātou katoa.

[Greetings to you, Mr Speaker of the House, and to you all, members of this House, in regards to the matter of significance during this week, the week of our language and of our chiefs. So acknowledgments to you all.]

The country deserves better. The regions deserve better. As a proud member of Ikaroa-Rāwhiti, I think Ikaroa-Rāwhiti deserves better. This is a time and a place to put our plans out so that the people of this country can see what type of leadership we require in this country. Ikaroa-Rāwhiti, to remind our members, is about 657 kilometres in distance, it takes about 9½ hours to drive there, and for the last 2 weeks, I cannot escape the reality that is confronting the constituents whom I come to this House to represent. I have visited towns like Gisborne, Wairoa, Napier, Hastings, Dannevirke, Masterton, and Upper and Lower Hutt. In those 2 weeks I got to move around. I got to speak with mayors of local councils, I got to speak to providers of social services, and I got to speak to deliverers of business support throughout my electorate. I can quite categorically tell you that there is struggle throughout Ikaroa-Rāwhiti.

On the weekend I was doorknocking in Elgin, a place that I am sure the current member for East Coast, Anne Tolley, has visited often. The feedback from behind the many doors that I knocked on was that people want sustainable, well-paid jobs in places like Gisborne. So who are we to believe? Is it this Government, which is operating on a two-speed economy, one for the rich and one for the people like those in Elgin whom I doorknocked on? They are being ignored and they are being denied the basic rights to look after themselves and their families. That is what we have with this Government. This is what it has delivered to the people of Elgin, of the Maraenuis, of the Pōmares—the people whom I come to this House to represent. So Government members may get up and say that the economy is doing well, but get into those suburbs—Ms Tolley, I invite you to go to Elgin and doorknock and hear what they say, and in Kaiti.

I invite Mr Craig Foss and our departing member Chris Tremain to go and doorknock in Flaxmere and Maraenui. You will hear for yourself—those people are struggling. They are struggling, but they want jobs. So I come to this House, I listen to what this Government is offering to grow real jobs in the regions, and I hear nothing. I hear absolutely nothing. There is no hope for the people of the constituency that I represent. I come here and I hold you to account, because what I see is nothing. They are not even getting the bare basics of a well-paying job.

This is what Labour will do. We will develop regional growth plans in partnership with local government, businesses, and iwi to identify opportunities and barriers for growth and work in groups to overcome them. We will make an initial investment of $200 million over 4 years in a regional development fund, for projects that will create jobs and growth. We will support manufacturing in the regions through the research and development tax credit, accelerated depreciation, and our monetary policy upgrade. Yes, we will. We will ensure that Government bodies buy from Kiwi manufacturers wherever possible. Let us put our Kiwi businesses ahead of overseas interests. We will redirect capital from housing speculation into productive investment. We are going to appoint a regional development Minister at Cabinet level. That is how serious Labour is about our regions. That is right—a regional development Minister at Cabinet level. We will integrate the regional development fund with a national ports strategy and regional transport investment, and we will invest in upgrading regional information and communications technology.

We have also got plans for our young people in the regions, who are crying out for more education, more training, and more employment. I have seen in my electorate the closing of Government departments.

What is Labour’s policy solution for everything? Talk it down, say how bad it really is, and then throw some money at it. That will do it—that will absolutely do it. Oh, and have a Minister. Labour members say “Let’s form another committee. Let’s have another Minister.” Who is that going to benefit? Oh, yes, that is right—it is going to benefit themselves.

Do you think—or does one think; thank you, Mr Assistant Speaker—that after flying in over South Canterbury’s beautiful water storage facility, the Ōpuha Dam; the highly productive dairy factories, one under full operation, one just about to be commissioned; and the most beautiful farms in South Canterbury, with grain stores glistening down below and new sheds everywhere, including milking sheds, and landing at the Timaru airport, and this happened last week, David Cunliffe apologised to South Canterbury for how badly the region is doing? And as he crossed the brand-new $20 million Kurow bridges, with their own cycle lanes, creating 150 jobs regionally, on the way through the reinvigorated towns of Kurow, of Otematata, and of Ōmārama, following the $3 million Alps 2 Ocean Cycle Trail, do you think that Mr Cunliffe apologised to the locals for the new business opportunities and the incredible new tourist traffic that is now running through the region? And do you think after he recovered from his 2 days—

The ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Lindsay Tisch): Order! Many times the member has brought me into the debate. You cannot mention “you”, being the Speaker.

Thank you so much—thank you so much for your help, Mr Assistant Speaker. And do the Assistant Speaker and the members of the House think that once Mr Cunliffe did recover from his 2 days in beddy-byes with his man flu, he enjoyed all the magnificence that Queenstown offers, from the restaurants to the magnificent high life to the skiing? Some of my spies reported to me that some time last week there was seen on the slopes of Cardrona ski field a man in a red scarf desperately trying to be noticed. But do you think that—

The ASSISTANT SPEAKER (Lindsay Tisch): Order!

Oh, right. Thank you so much. Thank you so much. It is just that I am so enthusiastic about the topic, I cannot help but try to include the Assistant Speaker in the conversation, but I will not do that any more. But does one think that Mr Cunliffe then apologised to the people of Queenstown for how well their local economy is doing, with the expansion of the Queenstown airport and with the commitment of Air New Zealand to bringing tourists both domestic and international into the region? And do you think he apologised to the wineries?

Do you think—to the House—that David Cunliffe, when enjoying a Pinot noir or a little Pinot gris, perhaps, for his cold, apologised to the wineries and said how awful it was for them? And what about the cherry producers, the pip fruit producers, and the apple producers, who are producing so much that this Government had to respond by increasing the Recognised Seasonal Employer numbers and, in fact, creating a new seasonal worker programme down south to assist New Zealanders into the region and into work?

You see, what we are having to do with Central Otago is have programmes to bring workers into the regions. Unemployment is so low in Central Otago and the whole region is so productive that we need programmes to bring people into the region. There are jobs, all right. There are jobs in Central Otago, all right, and we are creating them. David Cunliffe should apologise. David Cunliffe should apologise because the South Canterbury and Otago regions are doing just fine.

Things do not feel so hollowed out when the Winter Games NZ or the Queenstown winter festival are in full swing, or when the BMX world championships or the Wānaka triathlon festival are all go—all supported by what? All supported by this Government. Things do not feel hollowed out to the 11 Otago companies supported by the Venture Investment Fund, or to the initiatives in the meat and wool industries through the Primary Growth Partnerships, or to the towns of Queenstown—or what about Ōāmaru or Dunedin city, which have been supported with their ultra-fast broadband upgrade? And what about the hundreds and hundreds of small businesses that now benefit from the Rural Broadband Initiative and the New Zealand Trade and Enterprise capability development programme?

We have got valedictories coming this afternoon from excellent National members of Parliament. I am staying, Mr Prime Minister. We have got Cam Calder, and we have got Hayes, King, Tremain, and Wilkinson, all of whom have made great contributions. It is true that John Hayes has been the most difficult to handle on the Finance and Expenditure Committee—much harder than any of the Opposition members—but nevertheless he has made a great contribution. I notice that the players from the Parliamentary Rugby Team are here to support Cam Calder, and I put my hand out to you. Diversity of background is the strength of the National Party, and these people who are giving their valedictories today are capable people who have other options to go to once they have made their contribution in Parliament, and they do not have to hang around well past their use-by date. In their second to last week of Parliament they will be reflecting on their contributions.

Of course, there will be many other people in this Chamber here today who are in their second to last week of Parliament, but they do not know it yet. The people are sovereign, and it could befall any of us, but I fear that some of our colleagues on the other side of the House will not get a chance to deliver their valedictories. Mr Muldoon used to say that so-and-so was “a hard old dog to get off the porch”, and that is true of Winston Peters, there is no doubt. Who knows whether he and his interesting collection will be back after the election, including that fellow with the two letterboxes? I worry about the members on the other side in the Labour Party. I worry about my cousin Moana Mackey. I worry about Clayton Cosgrove, my good friend. All of them are in a great deal of trouble when it comes to the election, even David Parker, whom I have worked with in a collegial manner in the Finance and Expenditure Committee. Anybody on the Labour Party list has something to worry about.

I have been very busy in the Epsom electorate, working hard to build up the party vote. Like every other candidate in this party I am working to lift the party vote, because that is the one that makes a difference. I would just like to say to Labour to rein in that guy who lives in Parnell who keeps pinching my signs. I know who he is. When I am on the doorsteps in Epsom, I hear deep concern about the potential for things to go wrong if a Government comprising Annette Sykes, John Minto, Laila Harré, David Cunliffe, Metiria Turei, Russel Norman, and Winston Peters veers off in all sorts of directions after this election. They are very concerned about the prospect of Asenati Lole-Taylor overseeing the Reserve Bank. They are terrified of John Minto being the Treaty negotiations Minister. Metiria Turei, said in this House that work is a trap, that it does not pay enough, and therefore people should not bother—just imagine if she was in charge of welfare. It is all too terrible to contemplate.

Why, when this country is heading in the right direction, guided by a strong, stable, united, and sensible Government, and when there is so much work to be done, would anybody put it all at risk by leaping into the unknown with this motley crew? How can the country put its trust in David Cunliffe and the team when they cannot even organise a decent picture of him for the soft profile piece in the Dominion Post this morning? Did they not see that the photo they sent to the Dominion Post had him squatting beside a rabbit, in shorts that were clearly far too small and inadequate for the task? I encourage you to have a look at that. That is what worries people. That is what worries people.

The Labour prescription is bad enough. It is overturning the Reserve Bank consensus, it is slapping a new tax on every productive business in this country, and it is effectively nationalising the electricity sector. That is bad enough, but if it scraped back into power, it would not get to dictate what happens in this country. It would have to give something to the Greens. Imagine what the Greens would demand, aside from their massive carbon tax and aside from making farmers uncompetitive. What would Labour give to Hone Harawira? It would have to free Mr Dotcom. It would have to give free stuff to everybody, and that is why this country would be in a terrible state.

I am very proud of the record of this Government over the past 6 years. Fundamentally, it has been about working to create an environment in which New Zealanders can thrive and will only do well and will only be in the position to afford all the sorts of things that we value—quality health-care, superannuation in old age, world-class education, and support for the vulnerable—if we have an internationally competitive economy. Of course, what is internationally competitive is a moving target and it requires constant improvement not just by exporters but throughout the economy.

The debate having concluded, the motion lapsed.